Showing posts with label Distigmai. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Distigmai. Show all posts

Monday, August 22, 2022

Snapp on the Distigmai in Vaticanus

33

Over on his blog, James Snapp has a new post on the double dots in Vaticanus. These dots have been of significant interest ever since Phil Payne first noticed them. 

Following Niccum and Head, Snapp makes a good case, with some new suggestions, that the dots are from the 16th century. In particular, he suggests that Sepulveda’s letter to Erasmus, where he says he noted 365 variations in Vaticanus, should be reread as 765, changing just one roman numeral (CCCLXV → DCCLXV). In that case, the number matches exactly Payne’s estimate. I wonder if we have the original letter anywhere.

There’s more to the argument, but I won’t spoil it. Go read it and see what you think. I was already pretty convinced the dots were from Sepulveda, but this convinced me further. But I’d love to hear from others who have written or presented on this (Peter Head 👀).

Examples of dots in Vaticanus

Monday, October 22, 2018

New Testament TC Papers at ETS

6
The Annual Meeting of the Evangelical Theological Society is coming up (13–15 November), and the schedule is online here. I did a search for the New Testament TC papers and tried to include them all with the date, time and room designation as of when I put the list together. I’m only listing the papers in each block that I think are relevant to NT TC, which is of course entirely subjective. Asterisks denote presenters who are not currently members of ETS, and I have simply copied them from the program.

Tuesday, 13 November

9:00 AM-12:10 PM Church History: Medieval Era; Tower Building‒Terrace Level Beverly
•9:50 AM–10:30 AM Esther G. Cen (McMaster Divinity College) Hearing the Medieval Byzantine Greek Lectionary MSS

2:00 PM-5:10 PM New Testament: Matthew; Tower Building‒Mezzanine Level Denver
•2:00 PM–2:40 PM B. Ward Powers (Retired) The Consequence of Monte Shanks Research about Papias - & the Evidence Paul Knew Matthew by AD50
•4:30 PM–5:10 PM Charles L. Quarles (Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary) Matthew 16:2b‒3: New Considerations for a Difficult Textual Question

2:00 PM-5:10 PM Patristic and Medieval History: Blessedness and Grace, Buildings and Manuscripts; Plaza Building—Concourse Level Plaza Court 6
•4:30 PM–5:10 PM William C. Watson (Colorado Christian University) Cumynge of Antecryst: An Early Fifteenth Century Middle-English Gothic Manuscript

2:00 PM-5:10 PM New Testament Greek Language and Exegesis: The Letter to the Romans: Exegesis and Implications; Tower Building‒Majestic Level Vail
•2:50 PM–3:30 PM Daniel B. Wallace (Dallas Theological Seminary) Romans 4:1: Syntax and the New Perspective
•3:40 PM–4:20 PM Stanley E. Porter (McMaster Divinity College) Romans 5:1: What a Difference an O Can Make

Wednesday, 14 November

8:30 AM-11:40 AM New Testament Greek Language and Exegesis; Plaza Building‒Concourse Level Governor’s Square 12
•9:20 AM–10:00 AM Chris S. Stevens (McMaster Divinity College) The Orthodox Corruption of Prepositions: Grammar, Theology, or Evangelical Ideology?

3:00 PM-6:10 PM New Testament Canon, Textual Criticism & Apocryphal Literature; Tower Building‒Mezzanine Level Silver
Moderator: Stanley E. Porter (McMaster Divinity College)
•3:00 PM–3:40 PM W. Brian Shelton (Toccoa Falls College) Apostle Stories after the New Testament: Discerning the Legitimacy of the Apocryphal Acts
•3:50 PM–4:30 PM Peter J. Gurry (Phoenix Seminary) A Book ʻWorth Publishingʼ: The Making of Westcott & Hortʼs Monumental Edition of the Greek NT
•4:40 PM–5:20 PM Elijah Hixson (Tyndale House, Cambridge) How the Bible Was Copied in the Sixth Century and Why Singular Readings Donʼt Tell Us That
•5:30 PM–6:10 PM Jonathan C. Borland (New Orleans Baptist Theological Seminary) Inspired Editing or Scribal Corruption? Problems in Determining the Final Form of the NT Canon

Thursday, 15 November

1:00 PM-4:10 PM New Testament Canon, Textual Criticism & Apocryphal Literature: The Holy Spirit; Tower Building‒Majestic Level Vail
Moderator: Michael J. Kruger (Reformed Theological Seminary)
•1:00 PM–1:40 PM Carlton Wynne (Westminster Theological Seminary) Spirit and Word: A ‘Pentecostal’ Case for the Closed Canon of Scripture
•1:50 PM–2:30 PM Maurice Robinson* (Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary) Absent from the Handbooks? The Role of the Holy Spirit in New Testament Textual Criticism
•2:40 PM–3:20 PM Craig Blomberg (Denver Seminary) The Lack of Canon Consciousness and Spirit-Inspiration in the New Testament Apocrypha
•3:30 PM–4:10 PM John Christopher Thomas* (Pentecostal Theological Seminary/Bangor University) Diverse Voices in One Accord: Toward a Pentecostal Theology of Canon

1:00 PM-4:10 PM New Testament General Studies; Tower Building‒Terrace Level Columbine
•1:50 PM–2:30 PM J. D. Atkins (Trinity Evangelical Divinity School) Fitting Gnosis into the Biblical Timeline of Acts: The Apocryphon of James
•3:30 PM–4:10 PM Philip Barton Payne (Linguist’s Software, Inc.) The Significance of the Seventeen Vaticanus Distigme-obelos symbols for NT Textual Criticism

Let me know if I missed any, and I’ll add them in.

Friday, October 20, 2017

Richard Fellows’s measurements of the Vaticanus paragraphoi

16
Over on his blog, Richard Fellows has written up the results of his measurements of the paragraphoi in Vaticanus and plotted them against the measurements of Philip Payne from his recent NTS article. Fellows has linked to his blog in the comments of my last post about it but I thought they were worth highlighting here. In short, he has found that Payne’s “characteristic bars” are not actually characteristic.

This can be seen, for example, in the graph below which plots the the length and marginal extension of paragraphoi at the 28 places where Payne finds them next to digstimai. There is no clear correlation here. (It would be useful to see this same graph using Payne’s own measurements.)

Fellows’s measurements against Payne’s

Here is the end of Fellows’s post:
What we can conclude is that the peer review process has failed us yet again. The measurement errors and questionable statistical method should have been spotted by reviewers.

We can also conclude that online discussion can make much faster progress then peer reviewed journals. The blog posts and comments on the ETC blog have advanced the debate, in large part because Philip Payne and others have been so willing to share their ideas and data. He has also exchanged multiple emails with me. If only all scholars were as willing to engage in online and offline discussion!
Payne has suggested that the discrepancy may be because Fellows is using the online images whereas Payne has access to the excellent facsimile. Certainly, that could be a factor. But I do not think that is the main issue here.

The problem is that we are measuring in millimeters in the first place. What we have is a case of what Charles Seife calls “proofiness,” an improper use of measurements in statistics. The question is not whether we can measure these paragraphoi in millimeters and attach meaning to the differences we find, it’s whether we should in the first place. To my mind, it’s a bit like saying that eating Whataburger will make you 50% happier. It might be true, but measuring happiness in percentages is the wrong way to prove the point.

As Pete Head says, “I don’t think the length of the bars or their distance from anything is of any significance whatsoever. These are written by hand!” Are we to imagine the scribe of 03 using a ruler to make them? Of course not. So a ruler is probably not the right tool for the job.

Friday, September 22, 2017

Payne on supposed ‘distigme-obelos’ symbols in Vaticanus

80
Supposed distigmai-obeli in 03
In the latest NTS, Philip Payne has published an expanded form of his 2015 ETS paper on Vaticanus and its supposed use of “distigme-obelos” symbols to mark additions in the text. Payne has also summarized his “groundbreaking discoveries” for Scot McKight’s blog here. The full article is generously open access and can be read here.

I heard Payne give this argument in 2015 and wrote about my reaction to it back then. Here I thought I would add just a little to that.

The crux of the argument is that certain NT paragraphoi are longer than others and occur alongside distigmai (double dots). These “distigme-obelos” marks are then said to mark textual additions which Payne identifies, as before, using the NA apparatus. Payne does concede this time around that seven of his eight “distigme-obelos” symbols might also mark paragraph breaks, but he is quite confident that they are more than that. The upshot in all this for Payne is that 1 Cor 14.34–35 is not Pauline and the apparent inconsistency with 1 Cor 11 is thereby removed.

As before, I find the manuscript argument nearly impossible to believe.

All of Payne’s supposed obeli happen at natural breaks in the text, none of them are actual obeli like we find in the OT portion of Vaticanus (or in other MSS), and all look just like the other paragraphoi to the naked eye. The fact that Payne has to measure them in millimeters to show their distinctiveness only proves the point, in my mind. How could any ancient reader be expected to identify them without measurement?

Add to this the fact that seven of his eight “obeli-distigmai” texts do not actually include the supposed “added text” and the problems are just too much. The ancient reader would have no idea what text these marks were actually marking. The whole point of using an obelos, of course, was that you leave the questionable text in but mark it so that the reader knows what it is. In Payne’s system, the reader is left with no way to know what the symbols mark in 87% (seven of eight) of their cases. Payne’s system, as he envisions it, would never work in practice.

With scholars like Niccum and Miller, then, we should conclude that there is no semantic connection between these distigmai and paragraphoi.

Wednesday, March 29, 2017

The Marginal dots of Vaticanus – Again

20
Every now and then I see the claim that the two dots that appear in the margin of Vaticanus indicate textual variants known by the original group of scribes. I believe that our own Peter Head agrees that they may indicate knowledge of textual variation at these points, but also that these marginal dots are very late.

I am not sure if the following is on his list of examples but it may be instructive. Here we have the two dots under a correction which projects into the margin.



The passage is Lk 18:19 and the variant concerns the presence / absence of the article before θεος. The original (archetypal/initial/autographic – take your pick) hand omits the article, which is then added by the second corrector. Rather unusually, two dots are placed under the omicron, closer together than the normal marginal dots (there are two sets on this page, 1337, col. 1), but apparently intended to match the size of the letter in question.



This suggests to me that at least these dots are 1) indeed connected with noting textual variation, 2) are by necessity added after the work of the second corrector. Add to this that the use of two dots to mark textual variation is rare in the tradition as a whole but is used elsewhere in Vaticanus, it follows that also those other marginal dots are post second corrector. Of course, the textual variants thus indicated might well be known to the original group of scribes, but the dots are an incorrect way of proving that.

Tuesday, December 01, 2015

2015 ETS and SBL Paper Summaries

7
ETC blog dinner 2015.
ETS and SBL are now finished although my internal clock has yet to be convinced. This year there was a spate of text critical papers—many more than I could attend or take notes on. So here is a sampling of what was on offer this year. Perhaps otherss can fill in the gaps.

Also, this is a good time to say thanks to all who joined us for the annual dinner in which we celebrated the blog’s 10th anniversary. It was good to see some faces I hadn’t seen before. Hopefully all had a good time. A very special thanks to Christian Askeland for organizing the whole thing for us again!

ETS

“Discoveries and Contributions to the Text of the New Testament Found at the National Library of Greece” by Roberto Marcello

Rob Marcello is the Research Manager and Expedition Maestro (my term) for CSNTM. At ETS he gave an update on CSNTM’s Athens digitization project—their largest ever. He noted that, since its founding, CSNTM has digitized about 80 manuscripts previously uncatalogued by INTF and that several more were digitized on this summer’s trip. There were lots of other interesting finds as well but, unfortunately, my notes are sparse. I did manage to catch that GA 498 was found to have Ambrosiaster’s order of the Gospels: Matt, Luke, Mark, John (if I wrote it down correctly). I'm hoping the paper will be published somewhere but, until then, next month or two, you should be able to buy the audio.

“The Earliest Evidence for the Longer Ending of Mark” by J. D. Atkins

Justin Atkins is just finishing his PhD on the resurrection narratives at Marquette and, as a spin off of that larger project, he argued in this paper that three texts from 100–150 each make use of the Longer Ending of Mark. The three texts he discussed in detail were the Epistula Apostolorum (142–149), the “Ophite” account via Irenaeus (110–140), and the Preaching of Peter (100–135) and argued that for each, there is a good case for their dependence on the Longer Ending. The details are too many to give here but I will say that I found the first two convincing but the third—also the earliest—a bit less so. He told me afterwards that he has submitted the article for publication, so hopefully we can see the full argument in print in the not-too-distant future.

Monday, May 02, 2011

Reviews of Philip Payne's Man and Woman, One in Christ

5
Two reviews of Philip Payne's monograph, Man and Woman, One in Christ: An Exegetical and Theological Study of Paul’s Letters (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2009) refer to "the distigmai affair" on the ETC blog, as raised by Peter Head's SBL paper which I summarized here and here. (For Payne's "long series of response's on the blog, see here.)

The first is a review article by Thomas R. Schreiner, "Philip Payne on Familiar Ground," is published in Journal for Biblical Manhood & Womanhood Volume 15 No. 1 (Spring 2010): 33-46. The journal is a biannual publication of the Council on Biblical Manhood and Womanhood (ISSN: 1544-5143).

Read online here or PDF here.

The second is an on-line review by Jim Hamilton published 19 April on his blog, "For His Renown" here.

Another review by Craig Blomberg is found on-line here (with Payne's very long response in the comment section).

Monday, May 03, 2010

Color Images of Vaticanus Marginalia

10
In the beginning of this year I posted a long series of responses by Philip Payne to an SBL paper by Peter Head. The response was also posted in a PDF-version on TC Files in the right sidebar (accessed 156 times so far). As a result of the on-going discussion Phil Payne revised this response a number of times which, I suppose, has both advantages and disadvantages. In any case, Payne has recently produced and sent me yet another version, which I think may be useful because in it:

1) Payne provides high resolution color images of Vaticanus marginalia in relation to the various issues that are raised in the discussion;

2) He has made the paper focus somewhat more on the phenomena in Vaticanus and somewhat less on Peter Head's paper.

He has also added interline space in the text so that it is much easier to read.

The new version can be downloaded here and on TC Files in the right sidebar.

Tuesday, March 16, 2010

Distigmai in Vaticanus: New Version of Payne's Response

14
Phil Payne has sent me a new version of his response to Head's critique concerning the marginalia in Codex Vaticanus, dated 15 March, which has been extensively edited and rewritten, as he says, "to take into consideration comments received. It includes evidence from the distigmai in the margins of the LXX of Codex Vaticanus and particularly distigmai in the margins of the Hexaplar Codex Colberto-Sarravianus (4th-5th century LXX G) proving that distigmai were in use to mark even more sophisticated textual variants (entailing differences between Hebrew and Greek
texts) at close to the time Codex Vaticanus was written.”

Read it and make your own opinion. The document is now available for download here and in the right sidebar among TC Files (where it has replaced the earlier version).

A wider question to think about: how does a blogdiscussion like this (including uploaded documents) work together with scholarly publishing on the issue. What are the advantages/disadvantages? I don't have the answers, although I realize that the different sides may understand each other better and sharpen their argument accordingly.

Monday, February 08, 2010

Putting the Distigmai in Their Place: Payne Strikes Back pt. 5

34
This is the fifth and final part of the series in which Payne responds to Peter Head's recent SBL presentation "Putting the Distigmai in Their Place." For background, read previous parts read previous parts here, here and here and here.

Payne's whole response will soon be posted in a PDF for download (look for the announcement).

IDENTIFYING LATER DISTIGMAI
In spite of its weaknesses, Head’s paper has raised a valuable question: What factors help to identify which distigmai are not original or re-inked? Eight factors offer the best evidence that a distigmai did not originate at the time of the original production of Vaticanus, as judged by the standard of the fifty-one apricot color distigmai that Canart confirmed to match the ink color of unreinforced text on the same page of Vaticanus:

1. Dot(s) that are not circular.[1]

2. Irregular size dot(s) in the distigme.[2]

3. Non-horizontal orientation of the dots.[3]

4. Irregular spacing between the dots.[4] All of the apricot distigmai are within 1 mm of each other.

5. Irregular separation from the Greek text in the adjacent column. This is a fairly weak indicator since without any possible interference from other marks in the margin, apricot color distigmai range from to within 1 mm (1243 B 21) to 8.5 mm (1264 C 29).[5]

6. Irregular orientation relative to the base line. Most apricot distigmai are at mid character height, but one (1380 A 26) is slightly higher than the letters in the adjacent line of text. Six are near the top the letters in the adjacent line of text[6] and three are near the bottom.[7]

7. Juxtaposition next to more than one other dot or other marking.[8]

8. Distigme ink color that does not match either the original apricot ink color of the codex or, secondarily, the dark chocolate brown of the ink used to re-ink the text in the Middle Ages.[9]

Because this is a hand written manuscript, some variation is inevitable, and because the fifty-one apricot color distigmai are only a small fraction of them all, it should not be surprising if some distigmai originally in apricot color ink but later re-inked have characteristics that exceed the ranges of the characteristics above. Nevertheless, the sharper the contrast from the ordinary shape and position of distigmai and the more points of dissimilarity, the stronger is the case against a particular distigme going back to the original production of Vaticanus, especially when one or more characteristics lie outside the range of any of the apricot color distigmai. The few cases cited above where there is clear evidence that the position of a distigme was changed in order to avoid interference with marginalia warrant regarding those distigmai as penned later than the interfering marginalia. The distigmai in these cases almost always have many characteristics atypical of distigmai. This confirms the usefulness of these criteria for helping to judge which distigmai are not part of the original production of Vaticanus.

Though never determinative, lack of an NA27 variant in the line adjacent to a distigme may add to other evidence that a distigme is not original. This can only be used as weak corroborating evidence, however, since approximately 35% of Vaticanus lines lacking distigme contain an NA27 variant, and since approximately 29% of the lines adjacent to an apricot color distigmai contain no NA variant.

I have not included position on the “‘wrong’ side” of a column for three reasons:

1. There are four cases like this in apricot color ink where no other symbol competes for space on the “correct” side.[10] Consequently, being in such a position does not put a distigme outside a fairly normal range of positions occupied by apricot color distigmai. One should not use any of the above criteria by itself to exclude the originality of a distigme, especially if four apricot color distigmai share that characteristic. Consequently, to assume that just because distigmai are on the less common side of text, they were forced there by some other previously written marginalia, would be inconsistent with the application I recommend for each of the other criteria for dating distigmai later than the original production of Vaticanus.

2. It is perfectly reasonable that a scribe might want to place a distigme on the side of a line closest to where the textual variant occurs, and this correlation does in fact repeatedly occur.[11]

3. Some lines have a distigme both on its right side and its left side. In one instance with no interference from other marginalia, 1339 C 42, the distigmai on each side of the line matches the color of the original ink of the manuscript. Whether this indicates two separate variants or draws special attention to one, it shows that the scribe inserting it believed that it is acceptable to place a distigme on either side of a line.

Consequently, I urge a moratorium on the use of “‘wrong’ side.” This is especially important for Head since his use of the “wrong” side of text, especially where there is no interference from other marginalia, undermines his assertion that all distigmai constitute a unified system, the product of the same process and of approximately the same date. Simply because these instances are statistically less common, however, the presence of two dots on the less frequently used side of a line of text can legitimately be used as a contributing (though not decisive in itself) factor in helping to judge which of two pairs of dots on exact opposite positions of facing ages is the original distigme and which is just the accidental transfer of ink to the facing page.

CONCLUSION
To summarize, Head provides excellent evidence that in three instances a diple was partially obscured by a distigme, and in each of these three instances other factors support that the distigmai was a later addition (p. 8), not part of the original production of Vaticanus. Head, however, provides no unambiguous evidence that any distigme should be dated after any small number. The only instance Head cites of a distigme in a non-standard position relative to a large number, namely on the outside of it at 1455 B 31, also shares many other signs of not being part of the original production of Vaticanus (p. 14). These, the only four instances where Head provides compelling evidence of distigmai being late, confirm the validity of the criteria listed above for identifying which distigmai should not be dated at the time of the original production of Vaticanus. Head has raised other factors that might, with the addition of other evidence, warrant a similar judgment. For his four astute observations and his calling attention to other evidence that might support a later dating Head deserves thanks.

The central error of Head’s thesis is his apparent assumption that all distigmai were penned at the same time. By incorrectly stating that I agree with him on this point, he diverted attention from this highly improbable assumption. There is an abundance of evidence that all distigmai were not penned at the same time, including differences in ink color, as argued above on pages 2-7. Head conceals this by making a series of incorrect assertions that give the false impression of a simple sequence of marginalia, each completely written before the next. For example, Head asserts: “the small numbers are also secondary to the diple,” but although Head is correct that most diple predate small numbers, there is significant evidence of cases where even a diple was penned after a small number (p. 11). Evidence that some diple were penned after a small number does not constitute proof that all diple were written after all small numbers. Likewise, evidence that some distigmai were written later that other marginalia does not constitute evidence that all distigmai were written later than these marginalia, and it is certainly not evidence that all distigmai were written later than all other marginalia.

Similarly, the rewriting of so many small numbers around large numbers proves that these repositioned small numbers were written after the large numbers, which Head properly regards as “added at a much later date.” Just because some small numbers were written much later than others, does not constitute proof that all small numbers were written late, and certainly not that all small numbers were written at the same late time. Why, then, should one presume that all distigmai, which display far more diversity than diple or small numbers, were written at the same time and, consequently, that all can be dated as late as the latest one?

Head shifts grounds on crucial issues, such as appealing to “the colour and faded nature” of diple to “place these in the production stage of the codex,” but rejecting that “even indeed actual similarities of observed colour … are a particularly good guide to the dating of dots.” In addition, Head vastly overstates the evidence for his thesis. For example, Head asserts “sixteen places of interference between diple and distigme,” but three have no diple, and eight are in a typical distigme position (pp. 7-8).

Head asserts that the distigmai “are later than the two different types of chapter enumeration,” but he identifies no unambiguous evidence of a small number affecting the position of a distigme. Head also asserts, “there is no evidence for the distigmai interfering with any” small number. There is, however, clear evidence that the distigme at 1278 B 12 affected the position of the small number ε (pp. 13-14). Head similarly asserts, “[T]here is no evidence for the distigmai interfering with any” large number. Page 15, however, cites evidence that distigmai interfered with two large numbers. Head appeals to six other marginalia that he alleges to confirm “that the distigmai are late additions to the margins of Codex Vaticanus,” but none of them give unambiguous support for this, whereas several undermine his thesis (pp. 15-18).

Head’s assertions about de Sepulveda lack proper documentation, shift without clear definitions between Erasmus and other texts, and leave unexplained what Head means by Greek and Latin “textual variants.” It is clear, however, that Head must not mean significant Greek textual variants of the sort I have identified from the NA27 since they would not produce the 92% or 98% correspondence rate he claims. Head makes the audacious proposal that de Sepulveda, presumably in order to show errors in Erasmus’s text, added “perhaps 825 distigmai,” not to a copy of Erasmus’s text, but to the irreplaceable Codex Vaticanus, and that he carelessly turned the pages while his ink was still wet causing mirror impressions on the facing page of more than fifty distigmai. Head asserts all this regarding the manuscript that has more documentation of being jealously preserved than any other Greek text of Scripture.

The Payne-Canart thesis is primarily that those (51) distigmai (excluding mirror impressions[12]) that match the apricot color of the original text and of the original diple of Vaticanus should be regarded as part of the original production of Codex Vaticanus. Secondarily, it is that distigme in ink that matches the re-inking of Vaticanus in the Middle Ages are most naturally dated to that time. Whenever apricot color ink protrudes from under the edges of a dark brown distigme, it can reasonably be assumed that it is a distigme penned as part of the original production of Vaticanus that was re-inked later. Since the process of re-inking is abundantly attested for text and selectively attested for distigmai, but in a percentage of distigme occurrences corresponding to the percentage of text that is not re-inked, it is my working hypothesis that unless there is evidence to the contrary (as listed above, including evidence from interaction with other marginalia), the distigmai that match the color of the re-inking, even when no apricot ink is visible protruding from under them, should be tentatively regarded as re-inked distigmai from the original production of Vaticanus.

This working hypothesis is distinct from the Payne-Canart thesis, and I am perfectly open to any sort of contrary evidence that would reassign any number of these to another category, including a scribe in the Middle Ages penning new distigmai for whatever purpose, such as the evidence cited above that some distigmai may identify misspellings.[13] It is my hope that some sort of scientific analysis of the distigmai, such as was done on the Archimedes palimpsest, may provide confirmation of the presence or absence of underlying apricot color ink. Further investigation both as regards date and purpose is required regarding distigmai that do not correspond to either the original ink of Vaticanus or its re-inking in the Middle Ages. Finally, there are other pairs (e.g. vertical pairs) or trios or strings or clusters of dots that do not fit the typical characteristics of distigmai. I recommend unless evidence is found that they mark textual variants, they should not be called distigmai. Similarly, I recommend that mirror impressions of distigmai, since they are merely the accidental transfer of ink, not be called distigmai.

Head’s paper attempts to repudiate the Payne-Canart thesis and the evidence we adduce for it from the matching apricot color of original text, most diple, and fifty-one distigmai. Nevertheless, the Payne-Canart thesis is compatible with all the underlying data to which Head appeals. On the other hand, much of the Vaticanus marginalia data contradicts Head’s thesis. Head’s paper provides no explanation for the sharp distinctions in distigmai ink color throughout Vaticanus and across its pages, including apricot color matching the original ink color of Vaticanus and dark chocolate brown color matching the re-inking in the Middle Ages, or for why some distigmai have apricot color ink protruding from the edges of dark chocolate brown distigmai, or why one distigme has one apricot color dot and one chocolate brown color dot (p. 4). Nor does it explain why there is statistically overwhelming correlation and between apricot color ink distigmai and significant textual variants of the sorts identified by the NA27.

Thus, although Head’s thesis that de Sepulveda penned all the Vaticanus distigmai is simple, it does not adequately account for the marginalia data. It is economical, but since much of the data contradicts it, it is simplistic and should not stand. The famous aphorism derived from H. L. Mencken aptly describes Head’s solution: “For every complex problem, there is a solution that is simple, neat, and wrong.”[14] The more comprehensive Payne-Canart thesis with its attention to variations in the marginalia, including variations in ink color, however, does justice to the Vaticanus marginalia data in all their variety and welcomes further insights.


NOTES
[1] The clearest exception to this among the apricot color distigmai is the slightly elongated dots in the distigme at 1279 C 41.

[2] The clearest exceptions to this among the apricot color distigmai are the faint distigmai at 1264 C 29 and 1345 B 11, which may appear small due to the faded ink, and the enlarged left dot of 1261 A 21, which the scribe’s pen may have touched twice.

[3] Slight variation is common, e.g. the right dot slightly higher in 1261 A 21, 1336 A 22, 1351 A 6, 1370 A 32, 1468 B 3, and 1475 B 11 and the left dot slightly higher in 1264 C 29, 1357 C 1, 1380 A 26, 1419 B 36. The greatest such divergence from horizontal among the apricot distigmai is 1351 A 6.

[4] These are comparatively consistent. The apricot color distigmai with dots closest together is at 1308 B 27. Other close ones are 1243 B 21 and 1264 C 29, but none overlap. The farthest apart is 1261 A 21, but 1380 A 26, 1381 C 26, and 1473 A 6 are separated a similar distance.

[5] Three are 4 mm from text (1279 B 1, 1287 C 29, 1296 A 14), two are 4.5 mm from text (1332 B 10, 1457 B 24), two are 5 mm from text (1382 C 39, 1499 C 42), one is 5.5 mm from text (1401 C 41), two are 6 mm (1279 C 41, 1332 C 20), one is at 7 mm (1352 A 40), and one is at 8.5 mm (1264 C 29), all with no interference from other marginalia. One is at 9 mm with a diple separating it from the text on 1309 A 23. This is not surprising in light of the evidence listed above that diple were written concurrently with the text and prior to distigmai. This is the only distigme on its page so its positioning does not look out of place. One at 1277 C 19 is 9.5 mm from text and is above and to the right of a small number Δ that bleeds through from the reverse side of the vellum. This, however, may be just coincidence since the distigme closest to it, at 1277 C 3 also extends significantly into the margin (over 7 mm) with no interference from any other mark, and both it and the distigme at 1277 C 3 lie on a level with the very top of preceding text and so are in harmonious positions. More likely, however, is that Willker is correct that 1277 C 19 is a mirror impression from 1276 A 19, which is 7.5 mm from text. If so, then the original distigme at 1276 A 19 left an apricot color mirror impression at 1277 C 19, and only the original distigme at 1276 A 19 was re-inked with dark chocolate brown ink, not its mirror impression, which perhaps because of its faintness was missed by the re-inker. Θ has θεωποῦσαι in the middle of 1276 A 19, before rather than after ἀπὸ μακρόθεν according to Reuben J. Swanson, New Testament Greek Manuscripts: Variant Readings Arranged in Horizontal Lines against Codex Vaticanus (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1995), 288.

[6] 1264 C 29, 1296 A 14, 1345 B 11, 1351 A 6, either 1380 A 26 or 1381 C 26 (since one is a mirror impression), and 1475 B 11. Willker is probably correct at http://www-user.uni-bremen.de/~wie/Vaticanus/imprints.html that 1277 C 19 is a mirror impression; see n. 72.

[7] 1300 A 37, 1300 A 39, and 1466 B 6.

[8] Although there are no clear examples of this among the apricot distigmai, there are four instances where it is possible that the pen slipped slightly or made double contact with the vellum: 1261 A 21, 1287 C 29, 1380 A 26, and 1401 C 41.

[9] The 1968 color reproduction of the NT of Vaticanus is almost worthless in assessing ink color. Even different volumes of that edition vary dramatically. I confirmed one distigme that was red in one volume and brown in another. The millennial edition is excellent, but only the original permits definitive judgments. Ink color that matches the re-inking argues against a date after the Middle Ages. In light of evidence that the re-inking included distigmai as well as text (see above, page 4 and footnotes 8-9), it is perhaps most judicious to regard distigmai whose ink appears to match the adjacent re-inked text as having been re-inked as well, unless there is evidence that they are later. In cases where no apricot color ink is visible, confirmation awaits scientific testing, such as was done in the Archimedes palimpsest analysis. Perhaps such analysis will one day confirm which dark chocolate brown distigmai were traced over original apricot color distigmai and whether some were added later.

[10]1243 B 21, 1339 C 42, 1350 B 18, and 1351 A 6.

[11] Cf. the examples listed above, p. 12.

[12] Cf. above, n. 72 regarding 1277 C 19.

[13] Cf. above, p. 4.

[14] H. L. Mencken originally published this in “The Divine Afflatus” in New York Evening Mail (16 November 1917) as: “Explanations exist; they have existed for all time; there is always a well-known solution to every human problem — neat, plausible, and wrong.” It was later published in Prejudices: Second Series (1920) and A Mencken Chrestomathy (1949). Citation from http://en.wikiquote.org/wiki/H._L._Mencken.

Monday, February 01, 2010

Putting the Distigmai in Their Place: Payne Strikes Back pt. 4

2
This is the fourt part of the series in which Payne responds to Peter Head's recent SBL presentation "Putting the Distigmai in Their Place." For background, read previous parts here, here and here.


DE SEPULVEDA
When I heard Head’s paper I received the impression he was asserting that a comparison of the Vaticanus text in every line marked with a distigme in the Gospels to the corresponding text in Erasmus’s Greek NT shows a textual variant distinguishing 92% of these two texts. Apparently Wasserman received a similar impression, for he writes, “Peter had compared the published text of Erasmus reflecting MSS available in his time and had found that in the gospels there was a 92% match between Erasmus edition and the distigmai. If one includes the notes in Erasmus the rate goes up to 98%! This supports Niccums’ [sic] thesis. … Head thinks the 98% match with Erasmus is the death-knell of Payne’s theory.”[1] Even now that I have Head’s paper, I find several statements that seem to imply that Head was referring to variant readings between Erasmus’s Greek text and Vaticanus: “[Sepulveda’s] comparison between Erasmus’s edition and this most ancient manuscript … Vaticanus. … I believe this confirms the late date of the distigmai in the margins of Vaticanus, and even provides us with a name and setting of the person responsible.”

Listening to Head’s paper, I found this assertion of 92% / 98% correspondence between distigmai and variants in Erasmus’s text the most compelling part of his argument. I was puzzled, however, how a single Greek text (Erasmus’s) could have a higher percentage of significant variants[2] than all surviving manuscripts combined. Since Head did not identify which edition of Erasmus’s Greek NT gave these percentages, I used what I have in my library, a reprint of Erasmus’s Greek NT with his Latin translation printed in Basil by Nicolaum Bryling in 1553, to check whether these percentages accurately represent the frequency of textual variants between Vaticanus and Erasmus’s Greek NT. As a test page I used the first Vaticanus page Head displayed in his talk, page 1428, containing nine distigmai. I found that Erasmus’s Greek text varies from Vaticanus in only four of the nine distigmai lines on that page, namely 44% of them.[3] This percentage is only slightly higher than the frequency of textual variants in random lines in Vaticanus and so provides very weak support for Head’s thesis that a comparison with Erasmus’s NT text explains the presence of distigmai. This percentage is far closer to the 35% of random lines[4] in Vaticanus that contain a significant variant[5] than it is to either the percentage of NA27 variants in lines by a distigme adjacent to a bar/obelos (24 out of 28 lines[6] = 86%) or the percentage of NA variants in lines by an apricot color distigme (36[7] of 51 lines = 71%).

Since Head repeatedly associates Erasmus’s text with manuscripts of that period, I also compared how many of the fifty-one apricot color distigmai are by a line where the NA27 lists a variant in the Majority text. Only 23 out of 51 are so listed,[8] so even if Erasmus’s text has a textual variant in every one of these, this would constitute only a 45% correlation, a very low correlation compared to my own tests demonstrating a statistically strong correlation between Vaticanus distigmai and significant textual variants as listed in the NA27. Similarly, Willker writes, “Did Peter say 92% are TR variants? Compared to what? Vaticanus? Vulgate? NA? - I would like to see a table. 
In my count only about 50% are Majority/TR variants (vs. NA).”[9] These comparisons indicate that there is a very weak correlation between distigmai and significant textual variants in Erasmus’s Greek NT text compared with a very strong correlation between distigmai and textual variants as listed in the NA27. I and, apparently, Wasserman misunderstood and, consequently, were mislead by Head’s 92% and 98% figures into thinking that there is this incredibly high correlation between distigmai and variants in Erasmus’s Greek text, when in fact there is not.

Now that I have a copy of Head’s paper, however, I realize that he was not using the term “textual variant” as I was, to refer to different Greek texts, but to differences between Greek and Latin texts: “92% of all the distigmai in the Gospels match passages of variation between that exact line of Vaticanus and the Greek and/or Latin text of Erasmus. If we further take account of variant readings noted by Erasmus in his Annotations (again offering contemporary manuscript evidence) this rate extends to 98%.” Head’s conclusion further broadens the pool of comparison, “Sepulveda carefully compared Vaticanus with other manuscripts in Greek and Latin, and with Erasmus’s edition. Comparison with sixteenth-century witnesses accounts for 98% of the distigmai in the Gospels.”

Why would Head include Erasmus’s Latin text as a basis for identifying Greek textual variants? Head states that he agrees with me that “the distigmai mark places of textual variation between Vaticanus and other texts known to the dotter.” I assumed when I heard this that Head, like me, was referring to textual variants that could help establish the original form of the Greek text or otherwise explain the development of the Greek NT text. Erasmus’s Latin text is not a reproduction of any other Latin text nor does it have any independent value in establishing the original form of the Greek NT text or its subsequent development. Consequently, if one is looking for textual variants between Vaticanus and Erasmus’s text, the only text of Erasmus that is relevant is his Greek text. It makes no sense to compare Erasmus’s Latin text to find textual variants between Erasmus’s Greek text and Vaticanus. Why choose a derivative translated text for a basis of a Greek collation when the directly comparable text is on the facing page?

How does one identify textual variants between a Greek text (Vaticanus) and a Latin text? The only way I can imagine is to look for Latin translations that do not accurately reflect the Greek text and to presume that a differing Greek text caused them. I recently had an experience that shows how unreliable a translation can be for making judgments regarding textual variants. I emailed the chairman of the NIV revision committee a document identifying over 100 instances where the NIV text does not accurately reflect the underlying Greek in passages in Paul’s letters related to the ministry of women in church. If I had concluded that all or most, or even some, of these translation errors indicated the NIV text was based on a Greek text other than the one I used for my critique, I would have been wrong, for I know that the NIV translators used the same NA and UBS Greek texts that I used to make my criticisms. Consequently, one cannot assume that differences in translation, whether English or Latin, necessarily or even usually identify underlying Greek textual variants. Since my initial comparisons of Erasmus’s Greek text do not produce anywhere near a 92% correlation with textual variants in Vaticanus distigmai lines, I have serious doubts about Head’s assertion, “A careful investigation of the Gospel text of Vaticanus with a distagme [sic] (in the Gospels) and the Latin and Greek texts of Erasmus by my colleague Leslie McFall resulted in a 92% match rate.”

In order to be convincing, Head will need to establish that a very high percentage of the lines in Vaticanus next to a distigme have a significant textual variant in that same portion of text in Erasmus’s Greek NT text. Such a tabulation should not include variations in spelling, since if de Sepulveda were including things that minor, there would probably be thousands of distigmai in Vaticanus. If minor variants are included, the percentages could not be fairly compared with the percentages I have found of significant textual variants of the sort that the NA27 identifies. Furthermore, since distigmai occur throughout Vaticanus, if de Sepulveda is the source of all these in Vaticanus as Head’s thesis states, it would mean that de Sepulveda probably compared the entire Greek NT text of Erasmus with Vaticanus. Do the distigmai in Vaticanus mark all or virtually all of the locations where there are textual variants in Erasmus’s text? To the degree that differences between Erasmus’s text and Vaticanus are not marked by distigmai, Head’s thesis is weakened.

One should expect a higher frequency of textual variants in Erasmus’s Greek text corresponding to text following a distigme in Vaticanus than in random Erasmus text since the NA27 identifies textual variants in 𝔐 in 45% of such text compared to only 35% of random text in Vaticanus. Since McFall may have included as textual variants many minor variants that the NA27 does not list, I would not be surprised if he can identify significantly more than 45% correspondence between distigmai text and Erasmus’s Greek text. If McFall adds to this anything he construes as a textual variant in Erasmus’ Latin text, then, of course, that percentage will rise further.

Unless Head clearly defines what he means by “textual variant” his figures of 92% or 98% are meaningless. How minor can differences be and still fit his definition of “textual variant”? Does his definition include spelling variants? Does it include the absence or presence of nomina sacra? Does it include differences that do not affect the meaning or message of the text? Does his definition include textual variants in other Greek texts available in Erasmus’s time? Does his definition include differences in Erasmus’s Latin text? Does his definition include textual variants in other Latin texts available in Erasmus’s time? If so, what constitutes a Latin textual variant? What assurance can he provide that he is not including as textual variants the sorts of differences that I regard as errors in translation in the NIV but are not based on any Greek textual variant? I simply cannot believe that there are far more significant textual variants between the distigmai lines in Vaticanus and Erasmus’s Greek NT text than in all Greek manuscripts combined, which is what I originally thought Head meant by 92% and 98% and which is what it should mean if he defines “textual variant” as I and most others have in discussions of the Vaticanus distigmai up until now.

Furthermore, there must be a control group using the same definition of “textual variant” in order to assess the significance of percentages of correlation. If “textual variant” is defined so broadly that 92% of distigmai lines have one, but a similarly high percentage of non-distigmai lines also have such a “textual variant,” the 92% is not credible evidence, for it has no statistical significance. In light of the already established higher correspondence between Vaticanus distigme lines and textual variants in the Majority text (𝔐) than in random lines of Vaticanus and the relationship between Erasmus’s text and the Majority text, one should expect a higher percentage of textual variants in Erasmus’s Greek text corresponding to Vaticanus distigme text than in random Erasmus Greek text. One should take this into account in any conclusions drawn from comparisons of Erasmus’s “distigme text” to Erasmus’s “control text.” My own use of a control group of 540 random lines in Vaticanus was essential for getting significant chi-square probability results[10] confirming the correlation between significant textual variations and lines marked by distigmai.

Head writes with apparent approval that “Niccum noted that in 1533 J.G. Sepulveda had written to Erasmus about the results of a comparison between Erasmus’s edition and this most ancient manuscript ‘most diligently and accurately copied out in uncials’. De Sepulveda had, according to this letter, been comparing the text of Vaticanus both with Greek and Latin manuscripts extant in his time and with Erasmus’s edition, and on the basis of this study sent Erasmus a list of 365 readings, apparently where Vaticanus and the Vulgate agreed against the Greek text published by Erasmus.” Head’s paper lacks documentation that de Sepulveda added distigmai to Vaticanus or actually sent such a list to Erasmus.[11] The most obvious way for Head to establish the thesis that de Sepulveda penned all the Vaticanus distigmai in the process of comparing Erasmus’s edition to Vaticanus, would be to compare the Greek NT text of Erasmus to Codex Vaticanus and demonstrate the following two statements to be true:

1. Wherever there is a textual variant between these two texts, there is a distigme.

2. Wherever there is a distigme, there is a textual variant between these two texts.

My own preliminary comparisons of Erasmus’s Greek NT text to Vaticanus distigme lines shows that neither of these is true, nor is either anywhere close to being true.

Furthermore, if de Sepulveda himself penned the distigmai in order to identify locations in Vaticanus that differed from Erasmus’s Greek NT text, as Head’s thesis seems to postulate (“a comparison between Erasmus’s edition and this most ancient manuscript”), why when he wrote to Erasmus did he speak of only 365 variants instead of 825?[12] If Head’s explanation of the 365 is that this is limited to those distigmai passages “where Vaticanus and the Vulgate agreed against the Greek text published by Erasmus,” one might attempt to establish this by showing that 365 of the 825 distigmai lines contain textual variants differing from both Erasmus’s Greek NT text and the Vulgate text. Identifying textual variants based on a translation, however, is, as explained above, subjective and prone to error.

More fundamentally, if de Sepulveda were comparing multiple manuscripts to Erasmus’s Greek NT, wouldn’t it make far more sense for him to mark up a copy of Erasmus’s Greek NT for this purpose than to mark up irreplaceable manuscripts? If someone noted variants directly on multiple original manuscripts, he or she would have to go through each manuscript to tabulate a total. But if that person noted the variants directly in a copy of Erasmus’s Greek NT, that single source would hold all the suspect readings and would permit that person to tabulate those with relative ease. Furthermore, since according to Head, de Sepulveda’s concern was to establish errors in Erasmus’s Greek NT, that is not only the most logical place to note them, Erasmus’s text is the only text that would include all the suspect readings in question.

By Head’s view de Sepulveda had the audacity to pen “perhaps 825” distigmai in Codex Vaticanus, the NT manuscript with the reputation for being more carefully guarded than any other. Furthermore, Head’s thesis requires that de Sepulveda not only wrote on virtually every leaf of Vaticanus, he turned pages containing “more than fifty” of them while the ink was so wet these distigmai left mirror impressions on the facing page! It is hard to imagine someone in de Sepulveda’s position treating Vaticanus in such a careless manner to note variants with Erasmus’s or other texts.

Nor is it likely that a sixteenth-century scribe would mark so many other Vaticanus readings as textual variants that were standard in his day. Nor does Head’s conjecture explain the distigmai that occur where no known manuscript has a significant variant. Such occurrences are natural, however, if the original scribe was noting variants in the fourth century since most, if not all, of the manuscripts available to the scribe of Vaticanus are no longer extant.

Furthermore, neither Niccum nor Head gives any evidence that fifteen or sixteenth century scribes conventionally used distigmai to note textual variants or that de Sepulveda was even aware of this use for distigmai. Nor does Head explain what manuscript source at that time would account for the diversity of textual variants represented by the distigmai in Vaticanus. Willker observes that: “In general there is no CLEAR pattern in the witness support for the various umlauts. We have support from
- D only,
- Byz only,
- D + Byz,
- P46 only,
- some minuscule MSS only.
IMHO this indicates that not one single MS has been used for comparison, but more than one.”[13] How can Erasmus’s text by itself or in combination with other sixteenth century texts account for variants that are attested in, e.g., D alone or 𝔓46 alone?

Furthermore, Curt Niccum told me personally that he does not believe that de Sepulveda penned the distigmai in Codex Vaticanus, in spite of his earlier statement, “Evidence suggests Sepulveda introduced these [distigmai]. … Sepulveda must have shared … the reading καῦδα at Acts 27.16 … attested only in Vaticanus and Sinaiticuscorr.”[14] This reading, however, is also in 𝔓74, 1174, it, etc., cf. UBS4. This error is pivotal since Niccum argued from this reading’s rarity that distigmai “originated with de Sepulveda.” Unless Niccum has changed his view again, it is incorrect to say that it is Niccum’s position that de Sepulveda penned the distigmai. [15]

[1] Cited from http://evangelicaltextualcriticism.blogspot.com/2009/11/sbl-new-orleans-2009-i-peter-head_22.html.

[2] As judged by the variants identified in the NA27.

[3] The four lines in Vaticanus with a different text in Erasmus’s text are in James 3:2-3, 5, 6, and 12b. The five without a variant are in James 3:7, 12a, 15, 17 and 4:4.

[4] Based on the 540 control lines identified in the table in Payne, “Fuldensis,” 253.

[5] As judged by the variants identified in the NA27.

[6] See the table in Payne, “Fuldensis,” 253 plus one I had missed, 1332 C 20 at Luke 14:24.

[7] The NA25 lists a variant in two of these that are not listed in the NA27: 1277 C 19 (Mark 1:5) and 1356 B 24 (John 5:25). Cf. Payne and Canart, “Distigmai.”

[8] This takes into account NA27 convention stated on p. 13* that “𝔐 has the status of a consistently cited witness of the first order. Consequently in instances of a negative apparatus, where support for the text is not given, the reading attested by 𝔐 may safely be inferred: if it is not otherwise explicitly cited, it agrees with txt (=the text).”

[9] Cited from http://evangelicaltextualcriticism.blogspot.com/2009/11/sbl-new-orleans-2009-i-peter-head_22.html.

[10] My calculations include Yate’s correction for continuity. Cf. Payne, Man and Woman, 241-42, and forthcoming, Payne and Canart, “Distigmai.” Cf. the summary above in footnote 1.

[11] This is questioned by Carlo M. Martini, Il problema della recensionalità del codice B alla luce del papiro Bodmer XIV (Analecta biblica 26; Rome: Pontificium Inst. Bibl., 1966), 8, n. 20; who suggests that the existence of these readings was mentioned to Erasmus but that the list was never actually sent to him, cf. Stephen Pisano, “III. The Text of the New Testament,” pages 27-41 in the Prolegomena volume to Bibliorum sacrorum graecorum Codex Vaticanus B: Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae Codex Vaticanus Graecus 1209 (Rome: Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato, 1999), 21. The remaining copies of this set of the Codex Vaticanus B facsimile and its Prolemonena are available at http://www.linguistsoftware.com/codexvat.htm.

[12] The number of distigmai by Head’s count.

[13] Willker, “Umlauts: Distribution of the Umlauts,” exactly reproducing Willker’s bold text.

[14] E.g. Niccum, “Voice,” 245, n. 20. “One can only conclude that some scholar after 1400 compared Vaticanus with another text, noting places of variation and/or agreement in the margin.”

[15] I notified Head of this at breakfast the day of his SBL paper.

Monday, January 25, 2010

Putting the Distigmai in Their Place: Payne Strikes Back pt. 3

1
This is the third part of the series in which Payne responds to Peter Head's recent SBL presentation "Putting the Distigmai in Their Place." For background, read previous parts here and here.

(Editors note: At one point, I had major difficulties with the siglum א followed by 2 in html so finally I had to rewrite to "Aleph2".)

SMALL NUMBERS, LARGE NUMBERS, and OTHER MARGINALIA

SMALL NUMBERS

Head argues that on “at least five occasions we find that the presence of the small numbers seems to have caused a displacement” of distigmai from its normal position on the left side of one of the first five columns of the open codex to a position on its right side. For various reasons listed just before the conclusion of this paper, including four apricot color distigmai on the right of columns where there are no other marginalia on the left, I argue that simply being on the right is not a clear indication of displacement.

Head’s first instance regards the ΛΓ number at 1240 C 23 (Matt 6:1). The NA27 notes that the last five letters on this line, δικαι, are replaced by ελεημ in manuscripts L W Z Θ f 13 33 𝔐 f k syp.h mae. The endings of both words are identical with the letters beginning the next line, οσυνην, so the difference is clearly at the end of the line. This explains the position of this distigme on the right side of this line.

Head’s second instance regards the small number ΛΔ at 1241 A 7 (Matt 6:5). The NA27 notes that the last three letters of this line, σθε, are omitted in manuscripts א* D L W Θ f 13 33 𝔐 k q sys.p.h, so the distigme on the right side is ideally positioned to indicate this textual variant.

Head’s third instance regards the small number ΝϚ (Head calls the stigma[1] a digamma) at 1245 B 6 (Matt 9:13). The NA27 notes that just before the last short word in this line (τοτε) manuscripts C L Θ 0281 f 13 g1 sys.hmg sa mae bopt add after “I came not to call the righteous, but sinners” the words “to repentance.” Again, the known variant is near the right hand side of this line, which explains the position of the distigme on the right of this line.

Tuesday, January 19, 2010

Putting the Distigmai in Their Place: Payne Strikes Back pt. 2

7
This is the second part of the series in which Payne responds to Peter Head's recent SBL presentation "Putting the Distigmai in Their Place." For background, read part 1 here.

Head argues for the originality of diple as follows: “The consistent and careful placement, the colour and faded nature, and the consensus of observers place these in the production stage of the codex.” Since Head regards the color and faded nature of the diple as important evidence for placing the diple in the production stage of the codex, it is inconsistent for him to dismiss,[1] without any alternative explanation, the analogous argument that the color and faded nature of some distigmai indicate their dating in the production stage of Vaticanus. The latter argument is based firmly upon Canart’s careful documentation of fifty-one distigmai matching the color of the original ink of Vaticanus. One of them (1309 A 23) appears to match the color of a diple less that 2 mm from it. Willker asks appropriately, “why should some umlauts [distigmai] fade and the neighbouring text not?... The different colour is a serious objection [to late dating of distigmai].”[2]

Since 2001 I have argued publicly, just as Head does, that most diple were added to Codex Vaticanus prior to the original distigmai. I still argue that mirror-image distigmai matching the color of the original ink of Vaticanus imply that a scribe penned the distigmai after the binding of the codex at least provisionally.[3] Even my first NTS article on the distigmai in 1995 (p. 256 n. 58) pointed out that the distigme matching the original ink color of the codex at 1309 A 23 lies to the left of a diple identifying an OT quotation and that this distigme’s unusually far left position is evidence that the diple marking OT quotations on this page may have been written prior to it. Furthermore, unlike diple, distigmai are usually placed in the far right margin of the sixth column of the open codex. On the basis of these differences, I have argued that, for the most part, the addition of the distigmai and diple were separate steps in the original production of the manuscript. Head apparently thought he was undermining my position with this evidence, when in fact he was confirming my judgment.

I agree that Head provides excellent evidence that diple were penned prior to distigmai in three instances, and in each of these three instances other factors indicate that the distigmai may be a later addition. The distigme at 1238 B 27 is in darker ink than both the apricot color diple whose point it obscures and the surrounding chocolate brown re-inked text. Furthermore, the NA27 lists no textual variant here. It is unlikely the original scribe would partially obscure his own diple, or that an already re-inked distigme would be re-inked again. Similarly, the distigme at 1255 A 39 is in darker ink than both the apricot color diple whose point it obscures and the surrounding chocolate brown re-inked text. Furthermore, its dots are not circular, its left dot being particularly elongated, and its left dot is noticeably higher than its right dot. Consequently, I believe that neither of these distigmai should be attributed to the original scribe nor to the re-inking process in the Middle Ages. Similarly, the distigme at 1255 B 3 significantly obscures the diple, its dots are not circular, nor do they match the apricot color of the original ink, and the NA27 lists no variant on the line, so I agree with Head that it, too, should not be attributed to the original production of Vaticanus.

I also agree that Head’s evidence is compelling that the diple must have been present prior to small number ΠΗ at 1252 C 13 and where small numbers overlap a diple at 1249 C 36, 1379 B 18, and probably 1274 B 27. These, however, have no bearing on the dating of any distigme.

Nevertheless, Head’s assertion that there are “sixteen places of interference between diple and distigme” is clearly an overstatement. Three of Head’s sixteen examples have no diple.[4] One has no distigme.[5] Eight[6] lie within the normal range for distigme separation from adjacent text, and so should not be regarded as “accommodating to the prior existence of the diple.” Furthermore, even positioning to the left of a diple is not particularly surprising since there is significant variation in the separation of apricot color distigmai from text even without competition for space.[7] In any event, we are agreed that, in general, diple were written prior to distigmai, so in such cases, where both precede the same line of text, of course the distigme is written either the outside or the inside of the diple. The only clear instances of interference are the three cases where a distigme partially obscures a diple, and, as identified two paragraphs above, each shows other evidence of addition by a later hand, so should not be assumed to imply a late date for all distigmai, and certainly not the fifty-one distigmai that match the apricot color of the original ink of Vaticanus.

Furthermore, Head’s assertion that “the diple never appear accommodated to a distigme. … [T]here is no evidence for the distigmai interfering with any” diple, is questionable. While not conclusive, there is some evidence that diple positions may have been influenced by a distigme at that line. The diple at 1311 A 39 is considerably farther left than each of the immediately preceding 9 diple, and it is the only one where a distigme follows that line of text.[8] Furthermore, although most diple are at approximately the middle of the typical character height of the adjacent line of text, in two cases where there is a distigme between the diple and the text, the diple is either at the very top of the typical character height of the adjacent line of text (1386 A 35) or mostly below the bottom of the base line of the adjacent text (1237 A 1). In both cases the diple’s unusual position places it farther from the distigme, and in 1237 A 1 this keeps it from intruding on the distigme’s space. These instances do not prove that these diple were accommodated to the distigmai. They do, however, raise doubt about Head’s absolute assertion that “there is no evidence for the distigmai interfering with any” diple.

Head affirms “The consistent and careful placement” of the Vaticanus diple and says, “[T]he placement of the diple are [sic.] quite consistent.” By my count, there are 123 isolated diple or sets of diple on contiguous lines in the Vaticanus NT where each diple is aligned with the others in a remarkably straight line and all have comparable shape, size, apricot color, and intensity of ink. There are also, however, 22 sets of diple where there is a pronounced difference between consecutive diple regarding shape, size, apricot color, and/or intensity of ink.[9] In one instance, 1455 C 30, a diple points backwards. Even among diple, there are demonstrable differences not only of position, shape, size, ink color and intensity, but also of the time of their writing. For instance, the diple at 1387 B 30 is a lighter color than the previous seven diple, bleeds through the page less than the previous seven diple, has a more open angle and is farther left than the previous seven diple. What is most instructive, however, is that this diple at 1387 B 30 is farther left apparently in order to avoid the ω that bleeds through from 1388 B 30.

There is similar bleeding through of ink from the Υ at 1388 B 28 below the sixth diple at 1387 B 28, but that diple overlaps the bleed-through ink and is exactly in line with the other seven original diple. These factors together constitute clear evidence that the sixth diple, and presumably each of the first seven, was written before page 1388 was written, but the eighth diple was evidently written after page 1388 was written and positioned farther left to avoid the ink that bled through. In spite of the differences and especially the different position of the eighth diple at 1387 B 30, its apricot color and the artistic diple shape characteristic of the original scribe supports that it was penned by the same calligrapher as the ones above it, but at a time after writing the text on the other side of the vellum. The calligraphic beauty of the text of Vaticanus[10] still visible in apricot color ink (e.g. at 1479 B 33-36) and of most of the apricot color diple, supports the view that the same scribe who wrote the text also wrote most of the diple. The evidence that at least the diple at 1387 B36 was written prior to the text on the reverse side of this page makes it highly probable that the same skilled scribe who penned the NT text of Vaticanus also penned at least some of the diple concurrently with the text.

The diple that differ significantly from standard diple are the most likely to have been added later. Some diple are so different in shape and position from all of the original diple that it is virtually certain that one or more different scribes wrote them, including all of the diple at 1455 C 27-32, 1455 C 34-42, 1456 A 1, and 1456 C 1-2, each of which is far closer to text than any of the original diple. Each of these looks like a greater-than sign and lacks the calligraphic quality of the original diple. Other diple also show signs of being added later. The typical diple with a small sharp hook curling back to the right from their upper left corner on 1491 B 40-42 and on 1491 C 4 and 15 appear to have been supplemented with larger diple lacking the small upper hook on 1491 C 1-3 (each noticeably farther left than 1491 C 4) and 1491 C 12-14. The ink color of these larger diple closely resembles that of the original diple.

This constitutes evidence that a separate scribe[11] added these diple as part of the original production of Vaticanus. It also strongly supports that the original scribe of Vaticanus wrote at least some diple shaped like those at 1387 B 23-29 concurrently with the text and others (like the one at 1387 B 30) after the text was written. Other evidence supports that another scribe apparently assisted in this task, penning diple shaped like those at 1491 C 1-3 and 1491 C 12-14. A different scribe with less calligraphic skill probably penned the simple diple that look like a greater-than sign and are far closer to the text than all the other diple, such as those at 1455 C 27-32, 1455 C 34-42, 1456 A 1, and 1456 C 1-2. Based on the close correlation between diple of all shapes and OT citations, the function of diple appears to be consistent, which is not surprising since many of the citations are explicitly introduced as such.

Head asserts: “the small numbers are also secondary to the diple.” While this is true as a generalization,[12] there is significant evidence that some diple were penned after a small number, as the following examples demonstrate.

Of the three diple Head cites on the outside of a small number, the one at 1311 A 4 is noticeably farther left than the preceding two diple at 1311 A 2-3, apparently because the small number ΚΗ occupies the position below the other two diple. This diple was probably penned after the small number ΚΗ and is placed farther left to avoid overlapping it. Compared to the previous two diple, the diple at 1311 A 4 is also much smaller, lacks the graceful curves of the previous ones, and has a wider angle, confirming that it is secondary.

Closely analogous is 1310 C 7-9, where two normal position diple are followed by a third at 1310 C 9 that is smaller, simpler, and farther left than the other two diple, apparently in order not to be too close to the small number ΚϚ.

Of the two diple Head cites on the inside of a small number the one at 1244 A 20 is noticeably farther right than each of the three immediately preceding diple. If it were in line with the preceding three diple, it would overlap the small number NA. The unusual shape of the diple, its almost horizontal top stroke, its bottom stroke curving the opposite direction from typical diple, its lack of a top hook, its simpler less calligraphic style, and its darker ink all point to it being added at a different time. Its position favours a time after the small number ΝΑ was written.

Surprisingly, Head cites all three of these instances to show that “the numbers are secondary in relation to the diple … at moments of interference,” which is the opposite of what these examples indicate. If Head had limited his assertion to the priority of original diple to small numbers, he would have been correct. His errors come from treating diple like he does distigmai, namely as a unified system: “all are the product of the same process and of approximately the same date.” These examples, however, indicate that a scribe wrote at least some of the smaller, simpler diple after small numbers were in the text.

At 1358 C 31 there are three dots in the margin near the baseline that resemble a diple, in ink matching the color of the dark chocolate brown of the adjacent re-inked text. Just above it is a short line or two dots at mid-character height. The mark resembling a diple is farther to the right and lower than most diple, and it does not precede an OT citation, but rather a citation of Jesus, “I have come down from heaven” from John 6:42. Did a later scribe misunderstand the purpose of the diple pen this? This would explain the atypical ink color and location, simpler form, and different purpose. If so, it, too, illustrates the danger of assuming that all diple-like marks, or for that matter distigme-like marks, have the same date and purpose.

The lesson is clear: evidence that one or more diple were written later than others does not constitute proof that all diple were written late and certainly not that all diple were written at the same late time. Since this is true even of diple, which display far more consistency in positioning than distigmai, it should not be surprising that some distigmai were also written later than others.


TO BE CONTINUED

Notes
[1] “Needless to say, I am not persuaded that purported similarities of colour (even indeed actual similarities of observed colour) are a particularly good guide to the dating of dots.”

[2] Willker, “Codex Vaticanus Graece 1209, B/03: Umlauts: Dating.” Though Willker was objecting to dating apricot color distigmai to the Middle Ages, the objection would apply even more strongly to dating them to the 16th century.

[3] I argue this in “Distigmai” and in Man and Woman, One in Christ, page 242.

[4] 1402 A 38 (perhaps Head misinterpreted the dots that bleed through from 1401 C 38 as a diple), 1459 A 28, and 1514 A 10 (which bleeds through from the other side of the vellum).

[5] 1518 A 33. Perhaps Head meant 1518 A 37, but it is in a normal distigme position and so does not evidence interference.

[6] Only four of the nine he lists as “inside diple” are between a diple and Vaticanus text: 1237 A 1, 1386 A 35, 1449 A 17, 1459 A 26. The eighth, 1455 B 31 L is not inside a diple but outside. Three: 1402 A 38, 1459 A 28, and 1514 A 10 33 have no diple, and one, 1518 A 33, has no distigme. 1518 A 37, which Head may have intended, is also in a normal distigme position.

[7] Documented in footnote 72 of this paper.

[8] Whether the distigme influenced the diple position is uncertain since they are not competing for the same space, but there are no other marginalia in this passage that could have influenced the different position of the diple at 1311 A 39.

[9] Size and intensity of ink: 1435 B 13, 1456 B 38-42. The last diple is farther left: 1447 C 30. The last diple is farther left and has a different shape: 1387 B 30, 1454 C 18, 1463 A 8. The last diple is farther left and has a different size: 1311 A 39. The last diple is farther left and has a different shape and size: 1310 C 9. The last diple is farther left and has a different shape, size, and intensity of ink: 1311 A 4. The last diple is farther right: 1341 A 12, 1392 A 26. The last diple is farther right and has a different shape, size, and intensity of ink: 1491 C 4. Instances where all the diple have an atypical shape, vary in intensity of ink, and are also unusually close to text: 1455 C 27-32, 1455 C 34-42 and 1456 A 1, 1456 C 1-2. Instances where the color of the ink approaches more closely the dark chocolate brown color of the ink used to re-ink Vaticanus in the Middle Ages: 1352 A 8-9 (contrast the original ink apricot color at 1352 A 19); 1358 C 31 (if this is a diple), 1361 A 31-34 (probable), 1361 B 8-9 (ambiguous), 1455 B 31 (not completely clear), 1455 C 38 (probable).

[10] T. A. Brown wrote in an e-mail to Philip B. Payne dated May 29, 2003, “the original Vaticanus hand is the most beautiful and well-balanced uncial script I have ever seen in a Biblical manuscript, having an excellence in form approaching that of monumental inscriptions.

[11] Both forms of the diple occur side by side where both replicate every letter (even the old spelling of ωδεινουσα) of the Vaticanus LXX text of Isa 54:1 cited in Gal 4:27 (1491 B 40–1491 C 4), so the other possible explanation, that a different shape of diple was used to identify different versions of the text, e.g. LXX vs. MT, cannot explain these differing diple shapes.

[12] Small numbers that overlap diple prove this, e.g. 1249 C 36, 1379 B 18, and probably 1274 B 27, as does one number written around a diple at 1252 C 13, as Head correctly observes.