ig Media won another battle in the escalating war over copyright on
January 15, when the Supreme Court upheld a 1998 law extending copyright
terms by twenty years, to life plus seventy years for individuals and to
ninety-five years for corporations. The 7-to-2 ruling in
Eldred v.
Ashcroft is a blow to consumer rights and free speech, and sets
awful precedents.
The 1998 Copyright Term Extension Act applied not just to new works but
to existing copyrights. Thus, a spate of famous early-twentieth-century
works that would have entered the public domain--from Gershwin songs to
Frost poems to early Mickey Mouse cartoons--were locked up for another
generation.
To "promote the progress" of science and art, the Constitution rewards
writers and artists with the exclusive right to control and profit from
their creations--but only "for limited times," after which works fall
into the public domain and are free for all to use. Extending terms of
existing copyrights eviscerates this deal, granting a windfall to
corporate copyright holders and heirs of famous artists in exchange for
nothing, since the creators are mostly dead.
This "gratuitous transfer of wealth," as Justice John Paul Stevens
described it in his dissent, might have gone unchallenged had digital
activists not already been confronting efforts by media companies to
expand their control of valuable content--ostensibly in response to the
threat of digital piracy. Professor Lawrence Lessig of Stanford Law
School sued on behalf of a group of small publishers, arguing that the
new law violates the First Amendment (whether or not they're successful,
copyright owners' threats can have a chilling effect on speech, e.g.,
when the Margaret Mitchell estate sued to stop a parody of Gone With
the Wind) and the Constitution's limits on copyright--limits made
newly valuable because the Internet allows the public to enjoy an
endless number of formerly copyrighted works.
The Supremes last squarely weighed copyright against free expression in
1985, in The Nation's copyright case, which asked whether this
magazine's unauthorized publication of a few paragraphs of Gerald Ford's
unpublished memoirs was permissible under copyright's "fair use"
exception. Though it argued persuasively that the publication was
newsworthy and did not affect the commercial viability of Ford's memoir,
The Nation lost.
Eldred gave the Court an opportunity to right the balance between
copyright and free speech and to reaffirm that copyright must serve the
public interest. The Court failed on both counts. Though the majority
opinion by Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg conceded that Congress's
retroactive extension might be "very bad policy," it found solace in the
fact that Congress had made such extensions before. (By such logic,
segregation would still be the law of the land.) More important for the
ongoing copyright war, the majority held that full First Amendment
scrutiny was unnecessary. Free speech, Ginsburg wrote, is protected by
fair use and by the fact that copyright applies only to expression, not
ideas and facts.
Both claims ignore the reality of copyright today. In a text-based
world, the idea/expression dichotomy may work. Though I may not
distribute copies of someone else's article without permission, I may
explain what it says using other words. But this accommodation doesn't
work in a society based on audiovisual communication, not to mention
sampling. You can't paraphrase a film, design or song the way you would
an essay. You have to reproduce the thing itself. Moreover, Big Media is
trying to broaden its power over content that can't be copyrighted with
new database protections and anti-copying technologies.
Fair use, on the other hand, allows limited copying for such purposes as
criticism, parody and teaching. Yet judges are increasingly narrowing
fair use, and the Digital Millennium Copyright Act of 1998 weakened this
exception tremendously by making it illegal to circumvent anti-copying
technologies or even to possess tools that might be used for such a
purpose. In a Kafkaesque turn, getting access to copyrighted material
even for reasons allowed by fair use--or even preparing to do so--may
now be illegal.
The "serious public harm" of the Eldred decision, in the words of
Justice Stephen Breyer's powerful dissent, will be felt in the absence
of hundreds of thousands of works that would now be freely available for
use by scholars, students and the general public. In the longer term,
the Court's failure to place free-speech limits on an
ever-more-voracious copyright regime spells danger, if not disaster, for
creativity and the rights of consumers.
The only hope is that Eldred can help galvanize a nascent public
movement against the expansion of intellectual property. New
organizations like Creative Commons, Public Knowledge and
DigitalConsumer.org are fighting for a rich public domain--and gaining
unlikely allies. Among Lessig's supporters in court were Phyllis
Schlafly and Milton Friedman, and The Economist recently
editorialized in favor of returning to the fourteen-year copyright term
that existed at America's founding. That's the kind of originalist
thinking we should all embrace.