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Today's
Stories
October
31, 2003
Patrick
Cockburn
Baghdad
Diary: Iraqis are Naming Their New Babies "Saddam"
October
30, 2003
Forrest
Hylton
Popular
Insurrection and National Revolution in Bolivia
Eric Ruder
"We Have to Speak Out!": Marching with the Military
Families
Dave Lindorff
Big
Lies and Little Lies: The Meaning of "Mission Accomplished"
Philip
Adams
"Everyone is Running Scared": Denigrating Critics of
Israel
Sean Donahue
Howard Dean: a Hawk in a Dove's Cloak
Robert
Jensen
Big Houses & Global Justice: A Moral Level of Consumption?
Alexander
Cockburn
Paul
Krugman: Part of the Problem
October
29, 2003
Chris
Floyd
Thieves
Like Us: Cheney's Backdoor to Halliburton
Robert Fisk
Iraq Guerrillas Adopt a New Strategy: Copy the Americans
Rick Giombetti
Let
Them Eat Prozac: an Interview with David Healy
The Intelligence
Squad
Dark
Forces? The Military Steps Up Recruiting of Blacks
Elaine
Cassel
Prosecutors
as Therapists, Phantoms as Terrorists
Marie Trigona
Argentina's War on the Unemployed Workers Movement
Gary Leupp
Every
Day, One KIA: On the Iraq War Casualty Figures
October
28, 2003
Rich Gibson
The
Politics of an Inferno: Notes on Hellfire 2003
Uri Avnery
Incident
in Gaza
Diane
Christian
Wishing
Death
Robert
Fisk
Eyewitness
in Iraq: "They're Getting Better"
Toni Solo
Authentic Americans and John Negroponte
Jason
Leopold
Halliburton in Iran
Shrireen Parsons
When T-shirts are Verboten
Chris
White
9/11
in Context: a Marine Veteran's Perspective
October 27, 2003
William
A. Cook
Ministers
of War: Criminals of the Cloth
David
Lindorff
The
Times, Dupes and the Pulitzer
Elaine
Cassel
Antonin
Scalia's Contemptus Mundi
Robert
Fisk
Occupational Schizophrenia
John Chuckman
Banging Your Head into Walls
Seth Sandronsky
Snoops R Us
Bill Kauffman
George
Bush, the Anti-Family President
October
25 / 26, 2003
Robert
Pollin
The
US Economy: Another Path is Possible
Jeffrey St. Clair
Outsourcing US Guided Missile Technology to China
James
Bunn
Plotting
Pre-emptive Strikes
Saul Landau
Should Limbaugh Do Time?
Ted Honderich
Palestinian Terrorism, Morality & Germany
Thomas Nagy
Saving the Army of Peace
Christopher
Brauchli
Between Bush and a Lobotomy: Killing Endangered Species for Profit
Laura Carlsen
Latin America's Archives of Terror
Diane
Christian
Evil Acts & Evil Actors
Muqtedar Khan
Lessons from the Imperial Adventure in Iraq
John Feffer
The Tug of War on the Korea Peninsula
Brian Cloughley
Iraq War Memories are Made of Lies
Benjamin
Dangl
and Kathryn Ledebur
An Uneasy Peace in Bolivia
Karyn
Strickler
Down
with Big Brother's Spying Eyes
Noah Leavitt
Legal Globalization
John Stanton
Hitler's Ghost Haunts America
Mickey
Z.
War of the Words
Adam Engel
Tractatus Ridiculous
Poets'
Basement
Curtis, Subiet and Albert
Website of the Weekend
Project Last Stand
October
24, 2003
Kurt Nimmo
Ashcroft's
War on Greenpeace
Lenni Brenner
The Demographics of American Jews
Jeffrey
St. Clair
Rockets,
Napalm, Torpedoes and Lies: the Attack on the USS Liberty Revisited
Sarah Weir
Cover-up of the Israeli Attack on the US Liberty
David
Krieger
WMD Found in DC: Bush is the Button
Mohammed Hakki
It's Palestine, Stupid!: Americans and the Middle East
Harry
Browne
Northern
Ireland: the Agreement that Wasn't
October
23, 2003
Diane
Christian
Ruthlessness
Kurt Nimmo
Criticizing Zionism
David Lindorff
A General Theory of Theology
Alan Maass
The Future of the Anti-War Movement
William
Blum
Imperial
Indifference
Stew Albert
A Memo
October
22, 2003
Wayne
Madsen
Religious
Insanity Runs Rampant
Ray McGovern
Holding
Leaders Accountable for Lies
Christopher
Brauchli
There's
No Civilizing the Death Penalty
Elaine
Cassel
Legislators
and Women's Bodies
Bill Glahn
RIAA
Watch: the New Morality of Capitalism
Anthony Arnove
An Interview with Tariq Ali
October 21, 2003
Uri Avnery
The
Beilin Agreement
Robert Jensen
The Fundamentalist General
David
Lindorff
War Dispatch from the NYT: God is on Our Side!
William S. Lind
Bremer is Deaf to History
Bridget
Gibson
Fatal Vision
Alan Haber
A Human Chain for Peace in Ann Arbor
Peter
Linebaugh
On the Bicentennial of the Hanging of Thomas Russell
October
20, 2003
Standard
Schaefer
Chile's
Failed Economy: an Interview with Michael Hudson
Chris
Floyd
Circus Maximus: Arnie, Enron and Bush Maul California
Mark Hand
Democrats Seek to Disappear Chomsky
& Nader
John &
Elaine Mellencamp
Peaceful
World
Elaine
Cassel
God's
General Unmuzzled
October
18 / 19, 2003
Robert
Pollin
Clintonomics:
the Hollow Boom
Gary Leupp
Israel, Syria and Stage Four in the Terror War
Saul Landau
Day of the Gropenfuhrer
Bruce Anderson
The California Recall
John Gershman
Bush in Asia: What a Difference a Decade Makes
Nelson P. Valdes
Bush, Electoral Politics and Cuba's "Illicit Sex Trade"
Kurt Nimmo
Shock Therapy and the Israeli Scenario
Tom Gorman
Al Franken and Al-Shifa
Brian
Cloughley
Public Propaganda and the Iraq War
Joanne Mariner
A New Way to Kill Tigers
Denise
Low
The Cancer of Sprawl
Mickey Z.
The Reverend of Doom
John Chuckman
US Missiles for Israeli Nukes?
George Naggiar
A Veto of Public Diplomacy
Alison
Weir
Death Threats in Berkeley
Benjamin Dangl
Bolivian Govt. Falling Apart
Ron Jacobs
The Politics of Bob Dylan
Fidel Castro
A Review of Garcia Marquez's Memoir
Adam Engel
I Hope My Corpse Gives You the Plague
Poets' Basement
Jones, Albert, Guthrie and Greeder
October
17, 2003
Stan Goff
Piss
On My Leg: Perception Control and the Stage Management of War
Newton
Garver
Bolivia
in Turmoil
Standard
Schaefer
Grocery Unions Under Attack
Ben Terrall
The Ordeal of the Lockheed 52
Ron Jacobs
First Syria, Then Iran
David
Lindorff
Michael
Moore Proclaims Mumia Guilty
October
16, 2003
Marjorie
Cohn
Bush
Gunning for Regime Change in Cuba
Gary Leupp
"Getting Better" in Iraq
Norman
Solomon
The US Press and Israel: Brand Loyalty and the Absence of Remorse
Rush Limbaugh
The 10 Most Overrated Athletes of All Time
Lenni
Brenner
I
Didn't Meet Huey Newton. He Met Me
Website of the Day
Time Tested Books
October
15, 2003
Sunil
Sharma / Josh Frank
The
General and the Governor: Two Measures of American Desperation
Forrest
Hylton
Dispatch
from the Bolivian War: "Like Animals They Kill Us"
Brian
Cloughley
Those
Phony Letters: How Bush Uses GIs to Spread Propaganda About Iraq
Ahmad
Faruqui
Lessons
of the October War
Uri Avnery
Three
Days as a Living Shield
Website
of the Day
Rank and File: the New Unity Partnership Document
JoAnn
Wypijewski
The
New Unity Partnership:
A Manifest Destiny for Labor
October 14, 2003
Eric Ridenour
Qibya
& Sharon: Anniversary of a Massacre
Elaine
Cassel
The
Disgrace That is Guantanamo
Robert
Jensen
What the "Fighting Sioux" Tells Us About White People
David Lindorff
Talking Turkey About Iraq
Patrick
Cockburn
US Troops Bulldoze Crops
VIPS
One Person Can Make a Difference
Toni Solo
The CAFTA Thumbscrews
Peter
Linebaugh
"Remember
Orr!"
Website
of the Day
BRIDGES
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Alexander Cockburn
Behold,
the Head of a Neo-Con!
Subcomandante Marcos
The
Death Train of the WTO
Norman Finkelstein
Hitchens
as Model Apostate
Steve Niva
Israel's
Assassination Policy: the Trigger for Suicide Bombings?
Dardagan,
Slobodo and Williams
CounterPunch Exclusive:
20,000 Wounded Iraqi Civilians
Steve
J.B.
Prison Bitch
Sheldon
Rampton and John Stauber
True Lies: the Use of Propaganda
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Corrie
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Francis Boyle
Impeach
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Halloween
Edition
October 31, 2003
Baghdad Diary
Iraqis
are Naming Their Babies "Saddam"
By PATRICK COCKBURN
Baghdad.
The centre of the book trade in Baghdad is al-Mutanabi
Street, which runs between the Tigris and Rashid Street, now
shabby and decayed but once the city's commercial heart. The
bookshops are small, and open all the time; on Friday there's
a market, when vendors lay out their books in Arabic and English
on mats on the dusty and broken surface of the road. Most are
second-hand. In the 1990s, after the first Gulf War, I used to
walk around the district looking at books, often English classics
once owned by students. Difficult words were underlined and translated
into Arabic in the margin. There was plenty of stock as the Iraqi
intelligentsia, progressively ruined by sanctions, sold off their
libraries.
The market was carefully monitored by
a section of al-Amn al-Amm, the General Security Service, led
by Major Jammal Askar, a poet who used to write verses in praise
of Saddam. He oversaw the banning of books on modern Iraq, mostly
histories and memoirs written by exiles, and works by Shiite
and Sunni clerics. Even so, books, often printed in Beirut, were
smuggled in through Jordan, Syria and Turkey. 'You could bribe
the officials at the border to let in religious books, but not
political books,' one bookseller said. 'We used to take off the
covers and replace them with the covers of Baath Party books
which they approved of.' Often only one copy was brought in,
photocopied a hundred or more times and then sold covertly. The
Amn al-Amm, its operations on the street led by a certain Captain
Khalid, launched repeated raids to find out who was selling them.
In 1999 my brother Andrew and I wrote
a history of Iraq after the first Gulf War called Out
of the Ashes: The Resurrection of Saddam Hussein. It
was later republished in Britain as Saddam Hussein: An American
Obsession. I knew the regime wouldn't like it because of its
sympathetic treatment of the Shiite and Kurdish uprisings of
1991 and its account of the feuds within the ruling family, and
decided after publication that it would be wise to keep out of
Baghdad for a few years. When it became obvious that the White
House was determined to overthrow Saddam Hussein, I applied to
the Iraqi Information Ministry for a visa, although I was worried
about how safe it was to do so. Saddam Hussein wasn't short of
critics, and possibly the regime didn't know or care what Andrew
and I had written about them. On the other hand, Saddam had hanged
Farzad Bazoft, an Observer journalist, as a spy in 1990. When
the Kurds arranged with Syria to let me cross the Tigris in a
tin boat into Kurdish-controlled territory in northern Iraq,
the problem resolved itself.
It turned out I was right to be nervous.
After the fall of Baghdad, the new deputy mayor, a book collector,
gave me a copy of Out of the Ashes in a copperplate long-hand
translation into Arabic specially made by the Mukhabarat--Iraqi
Intelligence. He said it had been found by looters in the house
of Sabawi, Saddam's half-brother who was once the head of al-Amn
al-Amm. It turned out that the book was well known to the booksellers
in al-Mutanabi Street and had sold well--mainly, they said, because
'it gave an account of the uprisings in 1991 and of the relationship
between Saddam and the US.'
One Friday, halfway along al-Mutanabi,
I met Haidar Mohammed, a man in his mid-thirties with nervous,
darting eyes, who had been the main seller of my book. He was
known in the street as Haidar Majala, meaning Haidar 'Magazine',
because he pretended that he was only interested in selling magazines.
He said that he found life flat since the fall of Saddam, 'because
in the old days, when I had to take a customer down an alleyway
to secretly sell him a book and we both knew we could go to jail,
life had a taste to it.' The first  copy of Out of the Ashes he bought was
an Arabic translation made in Beirut and smuggled into Iraq by
a man called 'Fadhel', who other booksellers believed was later
hanged. Haidar used a photocopier to make 50 copies and sold
them to relatives and close friends for two dollars each. He
then made another 200 copies and sold them quickly as well. He
said: 'Once when a man who had bought the book was arrested in
Kerbala I disappeared for three weeks, but he didn't give me
away and only told them that he'd bought it on the street from
a man he didn't know.'
Haidar, who had been selling books in
Baghdad and Najaf since 1994, was finally arrested in November
2000, when he was caught by Captain Khalid with a book by Saad
al-Bazzaz, an Iraqi editor, once a Saddam loyalist, who had gone
into exile and published an expose of the regime. 'I pretended
I was a little simple and did not know what the book was about,'
Haidar said ruefully. 'The judge accepted that my story was true
so he only gave me two years in prison, though this was extended
to three years when they found out I had deserted from the Army.'
The booksellers of al-Mutanabi are relieved
that Major Askar and Captain Khalid have disappeared, but are
wary of talking of the future. These days they are selling books
by Shiite clerics as well as big pictures of Hussein and Abbas,
the Shiite martyrs. When I asked a group of booksellers standing
beside Haidar what they thought would happen, one said, without
much confidence, that 'Saddam Hussein was difficult to overthrow,
but the Americans will be easier to get rid of.' Iraqis have
had difficulty in adjusting to the pace of events since the beginning
of this year: the bombing of Baghdad, the fall of Saddam, the
looting, the broiling summer without electricity, the banditry
and now the sporadic guerrilla attacks and car bombs. New problems
appear almost daily. As we walked away from the book market a
Kurd came up to us. He had just heard that the US had invited
10,000 Turkish troops into Iraq. 'I want to tell you the Americans
are going to betray us again just as they did in 1975 and 1991,'
he said.
Paul Bremer, the chief US civilian administrator
who heads the Coalition Provisional Authority, has been claiming,
somewhat ludicrously, that life in Baghdad is back to normal.
An energetic and arrogant man, who wears a smart New York suit
with army boots protruding from the bottom of his trousers, he
is inclined to speak of 'the extraordinary progress made since
liberation'. With each car bomb or attack his tone gets shriller:
'The terrorists know that the Iraqi people and the Coalition
are succeeding in the reconstruction of Iraq.' Bremer is keen
to sell Iraq as a success, and so, of course, is the US President,
who mentioned recently that satellite television antennae were
sprouting over Baghdad. It is true that the streets look cleaner
and the heaps of rubbish are disappearing: 180,000 street cleaners
have been hired at three dollars a day. Some of them are assiduously
painting curbstones white and yellow. The electricity supply
is better and there are fewer power cuts than there were at the
height of the summer heat. There are thousands of US-recruited
police back on the streets, so Iraqis are less frightened of
being robbed, raped or murdered than they were three months ago.
They no longer lock themselves in their houses or refuse to send
their daughters to school for fear of kidnappers. But they don't
compare the situation today with what things were like during
the first two terrible months after the US captured Baghdad:
they compare it with life as it was 12 months ago under Saddam
Hussein. And for most Iraqis life has not improved. For many
it has got worse.
The overwhelming political and economic
fact is that 70 per cent of the labour force--12 million people
out of a total population of 25 million, according to the Ministry
of Labour--are out of work. Engineers try to make a little money
selling glasses of tea to passers-by from a table on the pavement.
Men stand all day in the markets trying to sell a bunch of blackened
bananas or a few cracked plates. As under Saddam Hussein, it's
only the ration of basic foodstuffs provided almost free by the
state that fends off starvation. There is a horrible desperation
in the hunt for work. A Russian company asked a man who was trying
to get a job as a driver about his qualifications. He said he
felt he should get the job because, quite apart from his great
experience as a driver, he had a live grenade in his pocket.
He then showed the grenade to the Russian interviewing him and
threatened to remove the pin unless he was immediately taken
on.
By allowing the state to dissolve and
disbanding the Army, the US, in its ignorance, has brought about
a revolutionary change in social and ethnic relations in the
country. Everyone who was part of the Sunni-dominated Administration
has lost out, which isn't surprising; but the Government was
the only big employer. 'The first mistake occurred when they
disestablished the Army and police forces,' said Nouri Jafer,
the labour under-secretary in the interim government created
by the US-appointed Governing Council. 'This created more unemployment
because Saddam Hussein had more than a million in the security
forces.' So far, the new US-trained Army has just one battalion
of 700 men in a force which will eventually grow to 40,000. Former
conscripts and soldiers queue for hours trying to pick up a final
pay-off of $40, and there are often riots. Even former members
of the Intelligence service have demonstrated to demand their
jobs back. One man, almost in tears, said he had travelled seven
times from his home city of Kut, south of Baghdad, and had still
not been paid. 'If the US would just pay the salaries of those
who have recently lost their jobs I promise you that resistance
attacks would go down by 50 per cent,' Nahed al-Ghazi, a sheikh
in a village north of Baghdad, who had just had a grenade explode
in the forecourt of his house because of his supposed pro-American
sympathies, told me.
The losers after the convulsions of the
last six months are becoming clear. The winners are not. Ethnic
relations are rapidly deteriorating. The Sunni, who ruled the
country under the Ottomans, the British, the Hashemite monarchy
and Saddam Hussein, are frightened by their loss of power. The
Shia, the community to which more than 15 million Iraqis belong,
hope that their moment has come. But they fear that the US will
impose a constitution they do not like and delay an election
they would inevitably win. Thanks to the refusal of the Turkish
Parliament to allow its territory to be used by the US Army to
invade Iraq, the Kurds seemed for a few months to have got what
they wanted. They regained their lost lands in the north. They
captured the oil city of Kirkuk. But, with the US inviting in
10,000 Turkish troops in the hope of keeping American casualties
down, they, too, now see betrayal around every corner. They want
Iraq to be a federation in which Iraqi Kurdistan will enjoy something
close to independence. Recent meetings between the Kurdistan
Democratic Party leader, Massoud Barzani, and Bremer have been
chilly. When Bremer said that in a unitary Iraq the Kurds would
have their own language and culture, Barzani replied: 'But we
already had that under Saddam.'
Iraqis jokingly call those who have done
well out of the collapse and occupation hawasimi or 'finalists'.
This is a reference to Saddam's prewar claim that Iraqis were
about to witness 'a final battle with the Americans'. Newly recruited
policemen are hawasimi, said with a slight sneer. (The same word
is used about those who are obviously much better off since the
looting of Baghdad.) The US is hopeful that the new police force
will be the front line against resistance attacks, but when I
asked a policeman, who had just caught a car thief in al-Masbah
Street, if he was doing anything to stop assaults on Americans,
he replied: 'That isn't really our job. What we do is provide
security for ordinary Iraqis.' When police in the town of Hawaija,
west of Kirkuk, shot dead a Fedayeen they were warned by local
tribesmen to stick to their policing duties if they wanted to
stay alive.
The changes in the physical appearance
of central Baghdad since mid- summer leave no doubt where power
lies. Ever more elaborate fortifications are being built to defend
Saddam Hussein's old Republican Palace where Bremer and the CPA
live and work, inside a sort of Forbidden City. It is now surrounded
by grey prefabricated concrete walls, with red painted warnings
forbidding drivers to stop next to them. The few entrances are
protected by tanks and rolls of razor wire. New notices have
gone up saying it is not permitted to swim in the Tigris outside
the palace, presumably for fear of underwater saboteurs. The
British Embassy, abandoning its spacious enclave, has fled inside
the Rashid Hotel, its entrance guarded by Nepalese soldiers.
In future, it will work from a villa inside the Republican Palace.
The attack on the Baghdad Hotel in October led to a new frenzy
of construction, with every hotel now sealed off by armed guards.
The guards at the hotel where I live say they do not like the
concrete defences because they give the impression that something
suspicious is going on inside. Since the latest bombings, the
US Army has set up a multitude of checkpoints around Baghdad,
producing enormous queues of traffic.
It may not be enough. When there was
an explosion in the Foreign Ministry, just outside the office
of the General Council's interim foreign minister, Hoshyar Zebari,
it was first blamed on a rocket-propelled grenade. But it turned
out to have been caused by half a kilo of explosives with a timer--which
could have been left there only by a member of the Foreign Ministry
staff, about a thousand of whom were inherited from the old regime.
'We have got the number of suspects down to 80,' one of Zebari's
security men said triumphantly.
The Americans in Baghdad live in conditions
of extraordinary isolation. An Iraqi friend spotted a group of
visitors from the US holding a party in a hotel at which the
waiters were all wearing turbans reminiscent of the Raj. He went
up to one of them and said: 'I would like to shake you by the
hand.' Gratified, the American did so. 'Now,' my friend said,
'you can go home and say you met at least one real Iraqi.'
The overall mood of Iraqis has darkened
over the last months as they have come to feel that, with the
UN on the sidelines, they are dealing with an old fashioned colonial
regime. Even Mahmoud Othman, a veteran Kurdish politician and
a member of the Governing Council, said: 'The Council has little
power. On important issues, like inviting in the Turks or sending
30,000 Iraqi policemen to train in Jordan at a cost of $1.3 billion,
the Coalition acts first and tells us afterwards.' In fact, protests
over Ankara's intervention may have caused the Turkish Government
to have second thoughts, though that would be a tribute more
to the influence of the Kurds on Washington than the authority
of the Governing Council.
The guerrilla attacks are almost entirely
confined to the Sunni heartlands north of Baghdad, though they
are better planned than they were and are spreading further north
towards Kirkuk and Mosul. In early October I went to Baiji, an
oil refinery town with a population of 60,000, some 145 miles
north of Baghdad, where I was told there'd been an uprising.
I was sceptical, suspecting the account was exaggerated, but
in the main street a crowd of a thousand was holding up pictures
of Saddam Hussein and chanting: 'With our blood and with our
spirit we shall die for you Saddam.' The previous morning, the
local Iraqi police had fired at demonstrators who were demanding
the dismissal of the US-appointed police chief and wounded four
of them. More protestors gathered and burned down the mayor's
office. The police--300 of them--fled to a nearby US base, where
the American officers told them to go back or be sacked. The
police refused, saying they would be killed if they did so. The
US military command has been trying to leave these confrontations
with protestors to Iraqi police to deal with, but finally their
tanks moved gingerly back into Baiji, most areas of which remained
in the hands of the protestors. In the weeks since, there have
been pin-prick guerrilla attacks on US troops with home-made
mortars, mines, bombs and Kalashnikovs.
The reasons behind the brief uprising
in Baiji are common to all the Iraqi provinces immediately north
of Baghdad. There is anger over the loss of jobs in the Army,
Security Forces and Civil Service. 'Half the teachers in the
schools have been dismissed because they were Baathists and there
is no one to teach our children,' one man complained. Prices
have risen because cheap Iraqi kerosene and bottled gas are being
smuggled into Iran and Turkey. Protestors set fire to two Turkish
road tankers in the main street. Above all, there is the day
to day friction with the occupation forces. 'My nephew Qusai
went onto the roof to fix the TV antenna and the US soldiers
shot him dead,' Faidh Hamid told me. A US patrol had beaten an
elderly man half to death with their rifle butts because they
thought a mortar had been fired from the window of his house--a
Swedish journalist embedded with the US patrol had watched in
horror as the beating took place. A 75-year-old merchant was
trying to recover $16,000 in Iraqi dinars and $4500 in gold taken
from his house in May during a US raid. He showed me the petition
he had sent to Baghdad: an official had scribbled a note along
the bottom saying the money was being permanently confiscated
because a Fedayeen had been found in his house, something the
merchant denied.
The US has the military strength to retake
a town like Baiji easily enough. But the friction points between
occupation forces and Iraqis are so numerous and diverse that
there will always be fresh crises. The US lacks allies not seen
as its pawns. In Baiji, the local office of the Iraqi National
Accord, one of the members of the Governing Council, had been
set on fire. There is a self-defeating crudity about the occupation's
methods. US troops routinely tie up those they detain, force
them to lie on the ground and put bags over their heads.
Saddam Hussein should not have been a
hard act to follow. Iraqis know that he ruined their country
with his disastrous wars against Iran and Kuwait. But in Baiji
a clerk at the local registration office for births and deaths
said he noticed that over the last couple of months parents of
newborn babies had started to name them 'Saddam'.
Weekend
Edition Features for Oct. 25 / 26, 2003
Robert
Pollin
The
US Economy: Another Path is Possible
Jeffrey St. Clair
Outsourcing US Guided Missile Technology to China
James
Bunn
Plotting
Pre-emptive Strikes
Saul Landau
Should Limbaugh Do Time?
Ted Honderich
Palestinian Terrorism, Morality & Germany
Thomas Nagy
Saving the Army of Peace
Christopher
Brauchli
Between Bush and a Lobotomy: Killing Endangered Species for Profit
Laura Carlsen
Latin America's Archives of Terror
Diane
Christian
Evil Acts & Evil Actors
Muqtedar Khan
Lessons from the Imperial Adventure in Iraq
John Feffer
The Tug of War on the Korea Peninsula
Brian Cloughley
Iraq War Memories are Made of Lies
Benjamin
Dangl
and Kathryn Ledebur
An Uneasy Peace in Bolivia
Karyn
Strickler
Down
with Big Brother's Spying Eyes
Noah Leavitt
Legal Globalization
John Stanton
Hitler's Ghost Haunts America
Mickey
Z.
War of the Words
Adam Engel
Tractatus Ridiculous
Poets'
Basement
Curtis, Subiet and Albert
Website of the Weekend
Project Last Stand
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