Coming
in October
From Common Courage Press
Today's
Stories
August 29, 2003
Lenni Brenner
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Bister, Estrin and Jacobs
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Restoring the Good, Old Term "Bum"
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Nukes in the Dark
Tariq Ali
Occupied
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Behold, My Package
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Palestinian
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Little
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an Interview with Tariq Ali on the Iraq War
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Bush's Holy War in the Forests
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Israel's
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Website of the Day
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Smearing the Dead
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Christopher Brauchli
Bush Administration Equates Medical Pot Smokers with Segregationists
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Collective Punishment on the West Bank: Dialysis, Checkpoints
and a Palestinian Madonna
Larry Siems
Ghosts of Regime Changes Past in Guatemala
Elaine Cassel
Onward, Ashcroft Soldiers!
Saul Landau
Bush:
a Modern Ahab or a Toy Action Figure?
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Israeli Outlaws in America
David Bacon
In Iraq, Labor Protest is a Crime
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The Govs Come to Indy: Corps Welcome; Citizens Locked Out
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The Politics of Focus Groups
Jack McCarthy
Who Killed Jancita Eagle Deer?
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A Drug
for the Addict
August 23/24, 2003
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Rumsfeld
Does Bogota
Robert Fisk
The Cemetery at Basra
Veteran Intelligence Professionals for
Sanity
Insults to Intelligence
Andrew C. Long
Exile on Bliss Street: The Terrorist Threat and the English Professor
Jeremy Bigwood
The Toxic War on Drugs: Monsanto Weedkiller Linked to Powerful
Fungus
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Forest
or Against Us: the Bush Doctor Calls on Oregon
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Marketplace
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Standard Schaefer
Unholy Trinity: Falwell's Anti-Abortion Attack on Health and
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Catherine Dong
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History Hurts: Why Let the Dems Repeat It?
Ron Jacobs
Springsteen's America
Gavin Keeney
The Infernal Machine
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A Fan's Notations
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An American Frog Fable
Poets' Basement
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George Will: the Marquis of Mendacity
Richard Thieme
Operation Paperclip Revisited
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Dubya Indemnity: Bush Barons Beyond the Reach of Law?
Issam Nashashibi
Palestinians
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Other People's Kids
Ron Jacobs
The
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Current Energy
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Virginia Tilley
The Quisling Policies of the UN in Iraq: Toward a Permanent War?
Rep. Henry Waxman
Bush Owes the Public Some Serious Answers on Iraq
Ben Terrall
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Elaine Cassel
Brother John Ashcroft's Traveling Patriot Salvation Show
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Getting Gouged by Banks
Marjorie Cohn
Sergio Vieira de Mello: Victim of Terrorism or US Policy in Iraq?
Vicente Navarro
Media
Double Standards: The Case of Mr. Aznar, Friend of Bush
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Robert Fisk
Now No
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Caoimhe Butterly
Life and Death on the Frontlines of Baghdad
Kurt Nimmo
UN Bombing: Act of Terrorism or Guerrilla War?
Michael Egan
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Ramzi Kysia
Peace
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NPR and the NAFTA Highway
John L. Hess
A Downside Day
Edward Said
The Imperial Bluster of Tom Delay
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Ashcroft's Patriotic Hype
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Uribe's Cruel Model: Colombia Moves Toward Totalitarianism
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Bush's Credibility Problem on Missile Defense
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Recipe for the Destruction of a Hudna
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Fox Government's Attack on Mexican Basques
Sasan Fayazmanesh
What Kermit Roosevelt Didn't Say
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Hero in War and Peace
Stan Goff
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Cathy Breen
Baghdad on the Hudson
Michael Kimaid
Fight the Power (Companies)!
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The California Rip-Off Revisited: Arnold, Milken and Ken Lay
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The Bush Administration in Context
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Judy Miller's War
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Col. Dan Smith
Time for Straight Talk
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August
30, 2003
The Choreography of
Occupation
Dance,
Exclusion and Cultural Policies
By NICHOLAS ROWE
Editors'
Note: Nicholas
Rowe teaches dance to Palestinian children on the West Bank.
He has recently returned to the Occupied Territories from a trip
to Brazil, where he gave a speech to the Dance and the Child
International conference. His speech, reproduced below, caused
quite a stir. The Israeli delegates interrupted it half way,
protested and left the conference as a result. Delegates from
the US similarly condemned it, but delegates from the rest of
the world overwhelmingly supported it.
"You're either with us, or against
us."
When President Bush made this statement
in the wake of the September 11 attacks, it was to define the
playing field of his so-called "War on Terror".
I admired this statement because I thought,
"Oh good, at last a US President is openly admitting what
the US government's foreign policy has been for fifty years".
You're Either With Us, Or Against Us.
It was a great opportunity. Citizens
from all over the world could see the ultimatum, respond and
say: "Actually, no, to either choice. We believe there
are other options".
The people did and protested. Too many
politicians didn't , however, and nearly two years and two wars
later, the "with us or against us" policy has carved
up the world into sections of increasingly righteous hatred.
Leading historians and academics such
as Samuel P Huntington and Bernard Lewis press this political
thought towards the belief that cultural differences must eventually
result in a "Clash of Civilizations", and specifically
that there is something "wrong" with Islamic Civilization.
Do we, as dance artists of the world,
agree?
Well, we can say "Yes, Mr.President,
we've got Scheherazade and belly dancing now, the rest of that
culture just seems angry and bearded. We are also scared of this
terrorism thing. Unleash your dogs if you must."
I want to speak to you today from a part
of the world that is often lumped in the "against us"
side of President Bush's equation. The Occupied West Bank, or
Palestine, where I have been working for several years now on
dance development projects with children.
I will be talking today about issues
that are contentious.
I expect that some of you might take
offence from the ideas that I am presenting.
Perhaps your own view of the history
of the conflicts and their impact on dance and children differs
from the view that I will present. I respectfully say to you
that my intention is not to offend, but to afford you the chance
of seeing the world from another viewpoint.
I make no pretentions about presenting
a neutral perspective, either in what I say today or in the text
already published in the proceedings.
Neutrality is such a subjective thing,
and what is often paraded in the West as neutrality is really
just an apathetic submission to the greater force.
When we are dealing with multi-cultural
issues, is there an objective definition of what terms and processes
are neutral? Who defines them?
I do not know, and so I will simply say
that the perspectives on cultural exclusion that I am presenting
today are more representative of the "them" in George
Bush's "Them or Us"equation.
A few days ago I read, on a board in
the lobby outside, the dreams of the DACI executive committee.
The collective dream is such a worthy one, a dream of bringing
all the children of the world together through dance. It is a
dream that will hopefully make George Bush's divisions even more
unpalatable.
I also noted, however, the severe lack
of representation here of children and dancers with an Islamic
heritage. Now those people do exist. Dancers, dance teachers,
dance organisations and dancing children are numerous in Morroco,
Tunisia, Turkey, Egypt, Lebanon, Bosnia, Pakistan, India, Indonesia
and various other countries.
They constitute such a large part of
the world. To help DACI engage with them, I would now like to
take the time to consider some of their perspectives of dance
and cultural exclusion.
Today, I will specifically be talking
about dance and exclusion in Palestine. In the paper that has
been published within the proceedings I discussed the various
ways that dance writing has been used to marginilise and exclude
Palestinian cultural identity.
Now I will focus on various obstacles
within contemporary Palestine, factors that attempt to exclude
dance from Palestinian cultural life.
These factors can be considered in four
categories-
Religious Social Political Physical
I will now discuss each.
Religious
Last week I was in an Islamic bookstore
in London, doing some research. I asked the shopkeeper, a Muslim,
if he had any history books on dance in the Islamic world. He
tersely replied that there is no dance in Islam, that dance is
forbidden in Islam. Through patiently gripped teeth, he looked
at me as though I had somehow completely confused my subjects.
I wandered on into the store, and emerged
from the shelves half an hour later with half a dozen books,
each containing a variety of citations from noted Islamic clerics
and even the prophet Mohammed. These citations not only condoned
dance but also described dance's spiritual and social value.
The shopkeeper nodded, and conceded that
he thought I meant belly dancing, which he said was sexual and
forbidden.
Where did he get such an idea?
In Egypt these dancing and singing Alma
and Alawim were considered cultural treasures throughout the
Islamic age, right up until European colonization of the Middle
East began in the 19th Century. As the subsequent massive influx
of new European tourists and adventurers hungry for cheap exotic
brothels arrived, they managed to push the image of these "women
learned in culture", into an image of prostitution- a phenomenon
European tourists later replicated amongst dancers in South East
Asia.
Through this and various other socio/cultural
threats, certain elements within Islamic culture have reacted
harshly. The Post-colonial period has seen a growth in resistence
to anything that might appear "western". As such women
who dance publicly within the community became shameful in many
regions.
Whilst such historical anecdotes and
religious quotes may be a way to annoy a shopkeeper in a London
bookstore, it is not necessarily the best way to gain access
to the Palestinian refugee camps, however.
In "The Cultural Viewpoints of the
Leader of the Islamic Revolution of Iran" the Ayatollah
Seyed-Ali Khamenei says
"When an artist presents his art,
it is a valuable gift to mankind. Art is an instrument. Although
the artist is elated by his art, art is still a tool. "
"Your art should be used for deepening
values."
This may contrast with many other approaches
to art that seek to glorify aesthetics or pander to market forces
or social trends. But it is not at all an unworthy goal, and
if this view typifies the way that certain Islamic societies
generally like to value artistic endeavours, then there is no
reason why it should not be applied to the development of local
dance.
By using a dance workshop that encourages
positive social values and reflects local ethical standards,
the Popular Art Centre in Ramallah has gained access to local
communities and taken dance workshops to more than 15,000 children,
the vast majority of whom had not previously participated in
structured dance activities.
The choreographic work of local dance
groups has thus been very much based on local social and religious
values. This has allowed them to be accepted in the wider community,
and to explore new and unique choreographic challenges.
Added to this is a socio-cultural obstacle.
Palestinian society is used to associating dancing with celebration,
such as at weddings.
When the intifada broke out, Palestinian
children were being killed everywhere. So far 1,800 non-combatant
Palestinian civilians have been killed by the Israeli military.
That equates to about 120,000 citizens from the United States.
Under these circumstances, it is very
hard for dance to continue finding a role. Although very well-meaning
and well-intentioned, dance projects continued to face the local
phrase "people are dying on the streets, how can you think
of dance."
Again this ideal of dance that reflects
important social values became a key to dances continued existence
in such a social sphere.
Politics
Certain political obstacles have been
far greater at excluding dance from the lives of Palestinian
adults and children.
Any understanding of the development
of dance and culture in the West Bank and Gaza Strip has to be
understood in this political context- fifty years ago, in 1948,
the fledgling state of Israel was creating a homeland for the
worlds Jewish population. approximately 700,000 people, or two
thirds of the local non-jewish population of the region, were
forced out of their homes and into exile by this process. Thirty
years ago, in 1967, about half of those existing Palestinian
refugees fell under military occupation along with other local
residents, when Israel expanded and annexed the West Bank and
Gaza Strip.
Whatever other historical or biblical
justifications are presented regarding this situation, for the
3 and a half million people of The West Bank and Gaza Strip living
without any civil or political rights, this is the past and present
reality.
So. Palestine. Refugees for fifty years,
under military occupation without citizenship rights for thirty
of those years. Under these conditions, can dance exist and remain
creative?
Fascinatingly, yes. In the late 1970's
the El-Funoun Popular Dance Troupe began exploring Palestine's
traditional folk dance form, the dabke. As dance enthusiasts,
they were one of many local groups bringing dabke on to the stage.
El-Funoun have continued on through several decades, and are
now Palestine's leading dance company. They have toured extensively
internationally, and their evening length productions such as
Zaghareed, The Plains of Ibn 'Amer, and Haifa, Beirut and Beyond,
portray both their political and cultural experiences.
Their junior company Bara'em, made up
of 8-16 year olds, has grown alongside them and fed the main
company with vibrant young dancers. In the past three years,
as travel restrictions have stopped adults from the main company
from leaving the country, the children's group has grown in prominence,
touring more internationally.
I would like now to tell you more about
their work, and the choreographies of other dancers from that
region. I want to share with you some examples of their energy
and passion, from their children especially, and how it manifests
in dance.
But I'm not going to. No. Lets wait until
they have the opportunity to present it here at daCi themselves.
That is the fairest way.
Instead, I am going to tell you now about
the political and physical problems that they confront, obstacles
that would seek to exclude dance from their lives. This way,
when you do get to see them, and you will, you will understand
what they have gone through to get onstage before you.
So what are these impediments?
Of direct relevance to dancers, and all
performing artists, are the political restrictions on freedom
of travel that I previously mentioned.
Israeli military barriers, or checkpoints,
dot the West Bank and Gaza Strip, indiscriminately stopping Palestinians
from travelling between refugee camps, villages, towns and cities.
For El-Funoun this has meant that for
years they have not been allowed to travel to certain cities
and refugee camps to perform.
It means that when they do go, they are
performing illegally, and that many of the male dancers have
to be smuggled into the towns via dirt tracks through the mountains.
Of greatest difficulty, however, are
the restrictions placed on international travel. The Israeli
government sporadically refuses the entry of artists from other
countries to work with Palestinians, and more consistently refuses
to allow Palestinian dancers to venture abroad to study or perform.
As such, Palestinian cultural exchange
with the outside world has been very limited, and it has been
easy for the outside world to presume that Palestinian dance
and cultural activity does not exist.
This is a continuing phenomenon. Such
restrictions continue to be imposed during this so-called road
map to peace.
Only two weeks ago Marwan Abdo, a highly
acclaimed Palestinian musician living in Austria was scheduled
to appear at the Jerusalem festival. Although he had all the
necessary visas issued by Israeli embassies abroad, on arrival
at the airport Mr. Abdo was detained for 24 hours by the Israeli
military then deported to Austria. No explanation was given.
As an Australian passport holder, I am
currently speaking to you at this festival because other leading
Palestinian dance artists working with children, such as Mohamed
Atta, are still not allowed to leave the West Bank.
Another impediment is military curfews.
Performances and rehearsals are impossible to schedule when curfews
randomly yet consistently hold everybody indoors for days on
end.
Some other random examples of direct
political interference in the lives of artist might include-
* Omar Barghouthi, one of Palestine's
leading choreographers, had his home destroyed by a stray Israeli
tank shell two years ago. Eight months later he and his young
family were driven out of their new rented apartment by Israeli
soldiers who wanted to use it as a base camp.
* Khaled Qatamish, artistic director
of El-Funoun dance troupe, pulled out of his home in his pyjamas
at 2am and used as a human shield by an Israeli military patrol
as they raided the neighbourhood, whilst his wife and children
watched on from the window.
* Lana Abu Hijli, another choreographer,
whose elderly mother was recently assassinated whilst sitting
on the verandah of their family home. Shot for breaking curfew.
* The Popular Art Centre, the organisation
that I work through, had it's studios and computers vandalised
and smashed by marauding Israeli soldiers.
These are the overt political problems
that effect children and adults alike. But how do these manifest
in physical exclusions?
Virtually every male and many female
dancers and choreographers have spent time being held, interrogated
and tortured in an Israeli prison, without charge or trial, for
periods ranging from one month to three years. For many this
has left various physical restrictions.
This phenomenon is not simply limited
to dancers, however. Imprisonment without charge or trial is
so common in the Occupied Territories that it would seem to be
a rite of passage. Something that Israeli soldiers arbitrarily
provide for Palestinian youth, to help the kids understand their
limitations.
To best illustrate this I will recount
an event that occurred six weeks ago.
I had just finished teaching a dance
workshop to a group of young men and women in Ithna, a town just
South of Hebron. Five of the young men were escorting me back
to the main road when an Israeli army jeep pulled up. With such
vicious intent the soldiers leapt out of the jeep and pushed
us against a nearby wall. One by one they took these young men
and slapped them, punched them, kicked them, smashed their rifle
butts into their backs, ribs, foreheads, shins and knees. With
a gun cocked to my head one of the young soldiers dragged me
down the line of young men and demanded that I identify them.
These young bodies, that had only minutes
before been swooping like eagles and leaping like cats of their
own invention in a creative dance workshop, were now stooped
into well-experienced postures of submission.
They did nothing to stop the blows and
tried to not even wince or flinch with each actual or threatened
punch, well aware that any possible resistance would provide
the soldiers with an excuse to use their guns.
And who were these four soldiers? They
were like most Israeli soldiers that I had encountered. Adolescents,
with heavy guns, tight hatred and zero accountability. One had
a small silver stud through his lower lip. As I watched them
kicking and hitting Shadi, shoving him into the back of their
jeep and hitting him some more, I knew that there would be no
legal inquiry into this action. It just happened, and its causes
and effects would be left drifting in a void.
I tell you this account not because it
is unique but because it is typical. I do not know a Palestinian
man who has not at some stage, been beaten like this by Israeli
soldiers. Some have had it many times. All live with the fear
and expectation that it will probably happen again. What does
this do to a dancing body? To the very physical aspect of a dancer's
freedom of movement? How does it effect an entire community of
dancers, when they are all indiscriminately subjected to this
sort of actual bodily control?
And so physically, Palestinian dancers
are also challenged in ways that might exclude them from pursuing
an interest in dance.
Posture is becoming worse. A Palestinian
Hump is evolving from the daily humiliations, cueing at the checkpoints.
To explore these impositions on physicality,
at Ramallah Dance Theatre (a Palestinian contemporary dance group)
we are exploring The "Aesthetics of Humiliation" in
choreography. It contrasts markedly with the "Aesthetics
of Power" predominent in most contemporary and classical
Euro-american dance forms.
It is one way of making dance remain
relevant to the contemporary existence.
So these are the various religious, social,
physical and political factors that may exclude Palestinian children
from actively participating in dance. But what about outside
of Palestine? How should we, in the international arena, confront
any Palestinian children who want expand there horizons through
dance?
The first obstacle we can remove is a
sense of alienation, when they do come out. DACI presents a very
broad forum. Palestinian children can come here and dance.
They might gravitate towards dancing
with kids from Soweto, or to others that have known political
oppression.
Perhaps they will want Brazil's indigenous
children to share how they use dance to deal with land dispossession.
Perhaps they will choose to go to others.
I do not know. But at least DACI can provide them with such a
wonderfully broad choice of alternatives, for relevant cultural
exchange.
The dream now is to expand DACI and truly
make it a very non-exclusive, very global organisation, in touch
with children and dance everywhere. In this process we are going
to confront various aesthetics, ideals and ethics, being reflected
in the medium of dance, by children. This week we have all been
enthralled by the beauty of this diversity, during the performances
of children from many different places.
I am probably not the only one to have
noted some varying ethical values. We watched a very, very young
Brazilian couple kiss passionately onstage. We watched several
Finnish kids beating each other up quite brutally. Then there
were the kids from Canada who exposed their fears through dance.
And who could forget those German boys who just funnily watched
it all go by?
If we are to mix in kids with an Islamic
heritage, lets face it, it's sure to bring another very challenging
vision of dance. Perhaps they will present images reflecting
their personal experience. We have seen kids make dance sensual,
psychological and funny. Perhaps other kids will bring strong
political views into dance, as political oppression pervades
the dance space that they inhabit.
How should we react?
Nicholas Rowe
can be reached at: nomaddance@hotmail.com.
Weekend
Edition Features for August 23 / 24, 2003
Forrest Hylton
Rumsfeld
Does Bogota
Robert Fisk
The Cemetery at Basra
Veteran Intelligence Professionals for
Sanity
Insults to Intelligence
Andrew C. Long
Exile on Bliss Street: The Terrorist Threat and the English Professor
Jeremy Bigwood
The Toxic War on Drugs: Monsanto Weedkiller Linked to Powerful
Fungus
Jeffrey St. Clair
Forest
or Against Us: the Bush Doctor Calls on Oregon
Cynthia McKinney
Bring the Troops Home, Now!
David Krieger
So Many Deaths, So Few Answers: Approaching the Second Anniversary
of 9/11
Julie Hilden
A Constitutional Right to be a Human Shield
Dave Lindorff
Marketplace
Medicine
Standard Schaefer
Unholy Trinity: Falwell's Anti-Abortion Attack on Health and
Free Speech
Catherine Dong
Kucinich and FirstEnergy
José Tirado
History Hurts: Why Let the Dems Repeat It?
Ron Jacobs
Springsteen's America
Gavin Keeney
The Infernal Machine
Adam Engel
A Fan's Notations
William Mandel
Five Great Indie Films
Walt Brasch
An American Frog Fable
Poets' Basement
Reiss, Kearney, Guthrie, Albert and Alam
Website of the Weekend
The Hutton Inquiry
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