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Today's Stories

November 11, 2003

David Lindorff
Bush's War on Veterans

Stan Goff
Honoring Real Vets; Remembering Real War

Earnest McBride
"His Feet Were on the Ground": Was Steve McNair's Cousin Lynched?

Derek Seidman
Imperialism Begins at Home: an Interview with Stan Goff

David Krieger
Mr. President, You Can Run But You Can't Hide

Sen. Ernest Hollings
My Cambodian Moment on the Iraq War

Dan Bacher
The Invisible Man Resigns

Kam Zarrabi
Hypocrisy at the Top

John Eskow
Born on Veteran's Day

Website of the Day
Left Hook

 

November 10, 2003

Robert Fisk
Looney Toons in Rummyworld: How We Denied Democracy to the Middle East

Elaine Cassel
Papa's Gotta Brand New Bag (of Tricks): Patriot Act Spawns Similar Laws Across Globe

James Brooks
Israel's New War Machine Opens the Abyss

Thom Rutledge
The Lost Gospel of Rummy

Stew Albert
Call Him Al

Gary Leupp
"They Were All Non-Starters": On the Thwarted Peace Proposals


November 8/9, 2003

Kathleen and Bill Christison
Zionism as Racist Ideology

Gabriel Kolko
Intelligence for What?
The Vietnam War Reconsidered

Saul Landau
The Bride Wore Black: the Policy Nuptials of Boykin and Wolfowitz

Brian Cloughley
Speeding Up to Nowhere: Training the New Iraqi Police

William Blum
The Anti-Empire Report:
A Permanent Occupation?

David Lindorff
A New Kind of Dancing in Iraq: from Occupation to Guerrilla War

Elaine Cassel
Bush's War on Non-Citizens

Tim Wise
Persecuting the Truth: Claims of Christian Victimization Ring Hollow

Toni Solo
Robert Zoellick and "Wise Blood"

Michael Donnelly
Will the Real Ron Wyden Please Stand Up?

Mark Hand
Building a Vanguard Movement: a Review of Stan Goff's Full Spectrum Disorder

Norman Solomon
War, Social Justice, Media and Democracy

Norman Madarasz
American Neocons and the Jerusalem Post

Adam Engel
Raising JonBenet

Dave Zirin
An Interview with George Foreman

Poets' Basement
Guthrie, Albert and Greeder


November 7, 2003

Nelson Valdes
Latin America in Crisis and Cuba's Self-Reliance

David Vest
Surely It Can't Get Any Worse?

Chris Floyd
An Inspector Calls: The Kay Report as War Crime Indictment

William S. Lind
Indicators: Where This War is Headed

Elaine Cassel
FBI to Cryptome: "We Are Watching You"

Maria Tomchick
When Public Transit Gets Privatized

Uri Avnery
Israeli Roulette


November 6, 2003

Ron Jacobs
With a Peace Like This...

Conn Hallinan
Rumsfeld's New Model Army

Maher Arar
This is What They Did to Me

Elaine Cassel
A Bad Day for Civil Liberties: the Case of Maher Arar

Neve Gordon
Captives Behind Sharon's Wall

Ralph Nader and Lee Drutman
An Open Letter to John Ashcroft on Corporate Crime

 


November 5, 2003

Jeffrey St. Clair
Just a Match Away:
Fire Sale in So Cal

Dave Lindorff
A Draft in the Forecast?

Robert Jensen
How I Ended Up on the Professor Watch List

Joanne Mariner
Prisons as Mental Institutions

Patrick Cockburn
Saddam Not Organizing Iraqi Resistance

Simon Helweg-Larsen
Centaurs from Dusk to Dawn: Remilitarization and the Guatemalan Elections

Josh Frank
Silencing "the Reagans"

Website of the Day
Everything You Wanted to Know About Howard Dean But Were Afraid to Ask


November 4, 2003

Robert Fisk
Smearing Said and Ashrawi: When Did "Arab" Become a Dirty Word?

Ray McGovern
Chinook Down: It's Beginning to Look a Lot Like Vietnam

Woodruff / Wypijewski
Debating the New Unity Partnership

Karyn Strickler
When Opponents of Abortion Dream

Norman Solomon
The Steady Theft of Our Time

Tariq Ali
Resistance and Independence in Iraq


November 3, 2003

Patrick Cockburn
The Bloodiest Day Yet for Americans in Iraq: Report from Fallujah

Dave Lindorff
Philly's Buggy Election

Janine Pommy Vega
Sarajevo Hands 2003

Bernie Dwyer
An Interview with Chomsky on Cuba

November 1 / 2, 2003

Saul Landau
Cui Bono? The Cuba Embargo as Rip Off

Noam Chomsky
Empire of the Men of Best Quality

Bruce Jackson
Midge Decter and the Taxi Driver

Brian Cloughley
"Mow the Whole Place Down"

John Stanton
The Pentagon's Love Affair with Land Mines

William S. Lind
Bush's Bizarre Korean Gambit

Ben Tripp
The Brown Paste on Bush's Shoes

Christopher Brauchli
Divine Hatred

Dave Zirin
An Interview with John Carlos

Agustin Velloso
Oil in Equatorial Guinea: Where Trickle Down Doesn't Trickle

Josh Frank
Howard Dean and Affirmative Action

Ron Jacobs
Standing Up to El Diablo: the 1981 Blockade of Diablo Canyon

Strickler / Hermach
Liar, Liar Forests on Fire

David Vest
Jimmy T99 Nelson, a Blues Legend and the Songs that Made Him Famous

Adam Engel
America, What It Is

Dr. Susan Block
Christy Canyon, a Life in Porn

Poets' Basement
Greeder, Albert & Guthrie

Congratulations to CounterPuncher David Vest: Winner of 2 Muddy Awards for Best Blues Pianist in the Pacific Northwest!


October 31, 2003

Lee Ballinger
Making a Dollar Out of 15 Cents: The Sweatshops of Sean "P. Diddy" Combs

Wayne Madsen
The GOP's Racist Trifecta

Michael Donnelly
Settling for Peanuts: Democrats Trick the Greens, Treat Big Timber

Patrick Cockburn
Baghdad Diary: Iraqis are Naming Their New Babies "Saddam"

Elaine Cassel
Coming to a State Near You: The Matrix (Interstate Snoops, Not the Movie)

Linda Heard
An Arab View of Masonry

 


October 30, 2003

Forrest Hylton
Popular Insurrection and National Revolution in Bolivia

Eric Ruder
"We Have to Speak Out!": Marching with the Military Families

Dave Lindorff
Big Lies and Little Lies: The Meaning of "Mission Accomplished"

Philip Adams
"Everyone is Running Scared": Denigrating Critics of Israel

Sean Donahue
Howard Dean: a Hawk in a Dove's Cloak

Robert Jensen
Big Houses & Global Justice: A Moral Level of Consumption?

Alexander Cockburn
Paul Krugman: Part of the Problem

 

 

October 29, 2003

Chris Floyd
Thieves Like Us: Cheney's Backdoor to Halliburton

Robert Fisk
Iraq Guerrillas Adopt a New Strategy: Copy the Americans

Rick Giombetti
Let Them Eat Prozac: an Interview with David Healy

The Intelligence Squad
Dark Forces? The Military Steps Up Recruiting of Blacks

Elaine Cassel
Prosecutors as Therapists, Phantoms as Terrorists

Marie Trigona
Argentina's War on the Unemployed Workers Movement

Gary Leupp
Every Day, One KIA: On the Iraq War Casualty Figures

October 28, 2003

Rich Gibson
The Politics of an Inferno: Notes on Hellfire 2003

Uri Avnery
Incident in Gaza

Diane Christian
Wishing Death

Robert Fisk
Eyewitness in Iraq: "They're Getting Better"

Toni Solo
Authentic Americans and John Negroponte

Jason Leopold
Halliburton in Iran

Shrireen Parsons
When T-shirts are Verboten

Chris White
9/11 in Context: a Marine Veteran's Perspective

 


October 27, 2003

William A. Cook
Ministers of War: Criminals of the Cloth

David Lindorff
The Times, Dupes and the Pulitzer

Elaine Cassel
Antonin Scalia's Contemptus Mundi

Robert Fisk
Occupational Schizophrenia

John Chuckman
Banging Your Head into Walls

Seth Sandronsky
Snoops R Us

Bill Kauffman
George Bush, the Anti-Family President

 

 

October 25 / 26, 2003

Robert Pollin
The US Economy: Another Path is Possible

Jeffrey St. Clair
Outsourcing US Guided Missile Technology to China

James Bunn
Plotting Pre-emptive Strikes

Saul Landau
Should Limbaugh Do Time?

Ted Honderich
Palestinian Terrorism, Morality & Germany

Thomas Nagy
Saving the Army of Peace

Christopher Brauchli
Between Bush and a Lobotomy: Killing Endangered Species for Profit

Laura Carlsen
Latin America's Archives of Terror

Diane Christian
Evil Acts & Evil Actors

Muqtedar Khan
Lessons from the Imperial Adventure in Iraq

John Feffer
The Tug of War on the Korea Peninsula

Brian Cloughley
Iraq War Memories are Made of Lies

Benjamin Dangl
and Kathryn Ledebur

An Uneasy Peace in Bolivia

Karyn Strickler
Down with Big Brother's Spying Eyes

Noah Leavitt
Legal Globalization

John Stanton
Hitler's Ghost Haunts America

Mickey Z.
War of the Words

Adam Engel
Tractatus Ridiculous

Poets' Basement
Curtis, Subiet and Albert

Website of the Weekend
Project Last Stand

 

 

 

October 24, 2003

Kurt Nimmo
Ashcroft's War on Greenpeace

Lenni Brenner
The Demographics of American Jews

Jeffrey St. Clair
Rockets, Napalm, Torpedoes and Lies: the Attack on the USS Liberty Revisited

Sarah Weir
Cover-up of the Israeli Attack on the US Liberty

David Krieger
WMD Found in DC: Bush is the Button

Mohammed Hakki
It's Palestine, Stupid!: Americans and the Middle East

Harry Browne
Northern Ireland: the Agreement that Wasn't

 

 

 

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20,000 Wounded Iraqi Civilians

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Sheldon Rampton and John Stauber
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November 12, 2003

Facility 1391

Israel's Guantanamo

By JONATHAN COOK

FACILITY 1391, a concrete fortress in central Israel on a rise overlooking a kibbutz, is almost obscured by high walls and fir trees. Two watchtowers give armed guards extensive views of surrounding fields. From the outside it looks like many other police stations built by the British in the 1930s across the Mandate of Palestine. Today many serve as military bases, their location revealed by signposts showing only a number.

Facility 1391, close to the Green Line, the pre-1967 border between Israel and the West Bank, is different. It is not marked on maps, it has been erased from aerial photographs and recently its numbered signpost was removed. Censors have excised all mention of its location from the Israeli media, with the government saying that secrecy is essential to "prevent harm to the country's security". According to lawyers, foreign journalists divulging information risk being expelled from Israel. But, despite government attempts to impose a news blackout, information about more than a decade of horrific events at Facility 1391 are beginning to leak out. As a newspaper described it, Facility 1391 is "Israel's Guantanamo" (a reference to the Camp X-Ray prison for al-Qaida and Taliban captives run by the United States on occupied Cuban territory).

In October 2003 a panel of international legal experts, led by Richard Goldstone, a judge in South Africa's constitutional court who has also been chief prosecutor of the international tribunals for former Yugoslavia and for Rwanda, called Camp X-Ray "a black hole" into which inmates disappeared, to be stripped of basic rights under the Geneva Conventions. The report added that "states cannot hold detainees, for whom they are responsible, outside of the jurisdiction of all international courts".

Although Facility 1391 has received none of the publicity of the US prison, it more flagrantly violates international law. Unlike Camp X-Ray, its location is not publicly known; there aren't even long-distance photographs of its inmates of the kind taken at Guantanamo Bay. Unlike the US prison, Facility 1391 has never been independ ently inspected, not even by the International Red Cross. What happens there is a mystery.

Justice Goldstone was able to declare that inside Camp X-Ray there were "662 people without any access to due process" of law, but no one, apart from a few senior Israeli government and security officials, knows how many inmates there are in Facility 1391. Testimonies from former inmates suggest it is crowded with detainees, many of them Lebanese captured during Israel's 18-year occupation of south Lebanon.

Four months after the first revelations of its existence, the Israeli courts have yet to make the government reveal any substantial information about it. "Anyone entering the prison can be made to disappear, potentially for ever," says Leah Tsemel, an Israeli lawyer who specialises in advising Palestinians (see Israel: beyond hope) "It's no different from the jails run by tinpot South American dictators."

What little information is available suggests that interrogation methods using torture are routine. A high-profile detainee, Mustafa Dirani of the now defunct Lebanese Shia militia Amal, has alleged that he was raped by his interrogators. Israel recently admitted that he had been moved to Facility 1391 after he was kidnapped from Lebanon by Israeli agents in 1994.

The first chinks in the secrecy about the prison were prised open by Tsemel last year, after the Israeli army's reinvasion of West Bank cities in Operation Defensive Shield, April 2002. Until then it seems to have been used almost exclusively for captive foreign nationals, mainly Jordanians, Lebanese, Syrians, Egyptians and Iranians. It is not known how many of them have been held there. The Friends of Prisoners Committee in Nazareth claims 15 Arab foreign nationals have gone missing from Israel's prison system.

There are many instances of kidnappings, particularly from Lebanon, assumed to have been carried out by Israel. Four Iranian government officials who disappeared in Beirut in 1982 have never been accounted for. In recent prisoner exchange negotiations between Israel and the Lebanese militia Hizbollah, their families have requested information from Israel.

But after the mass arrests in April 2002, which stretched Israel's detention facilities to bursting, a number of Palestinians were also sent to Facility 1391. For a while the disappearance of these detainees was concealed in the general chaos after the army sweeps. By October 2002, however, Tsemel and an Israeli human rights group, Hamoked, were demanding information in the courts. They presented habeas corpus writs, effectively demanding that the missing Palestin ians be produced to prove they were alive.

Cornered, the Israeli authorities admitted that the missing men were being held in a secret facility but would give no more details. They referred all requests for information to Madi Harb, head of an anti-terror unit attached to Kishon prison near Haifa. Since the petitions, Israel admitted incarcerating a few Palestinians in Facility 1391, though many others have claimed to have passed through it, including the Fatah leader Marwan Barghouti, now on trial. According to Israel, all have now been moved to normal prisons. But only one, Bashar Jadallah, 50, a businessman from Nablus, has been released. He was arrested with his cousin, Mohammed Jadallah, 23, at the Allenby bridge crossing between Jordan and Israel on 22 November 2002. Mohammed Jadallah has provided an affidavit saying he confessed to being a member of Hamas under torture.

Bashar Jadallah says he was not beaten or physically tortured, unlike most other prisoners, possibly because of his age. However, he describes months of severe isolation, held by captors he never saw, who terrorised him. His tiny cell, 2 metres square, was windowless and painted black, with a bulb providing a dim light 24 hours a day. He was refused access to a lawyer, not allowed to meet other inmates and told he was "on the moon" when he asked where he was. He was not allowed to see anything outside his cell. "They made me wear a pair of blacked-out goggles that covered the whole of my eyes before allowing me out," he said. "I had to wear them if they took me to another room, such as the interrogation room or the medical clinic. Only once inside could I take the goggles off."

Hamoked is to present an expert opinion from Dr Yehuakim Stein, a Jerusalem psychiatrist, on the effects of detention in such conditions. Dr Stein says that the treatment of Jadallah and the other Palestinians who provided affidavits is mental torture that creates what he calls "DDD syndrome": dread, dependency and debility. Lack of food, sleep, movement and mental stimulation, as well as exclusion from human contact--whether lawyers, family members, other prisoners or guards--is designed to lower resistance to questioning and force inmates to be entirely dependent on interrogators. Combined with the pain of torture, with threats of torture, with the fear of being killed and the sense of being forgotten, inmates are likely to be consumed by what Dr Stein calls psychologically damaging dread. Jadallah says: "Not knowing where I was or even seeing the faces of the jailers made me extremely frightened. The worst thing was feeling like I might disappear and my family would never find out what had happened to me."

His account of his isolation and living conditions corresponds with those of other detainees whose affidavits have been collected by Tsemel and Hamoked. They describe damp, foul-smelling mattresses, rarely-emptied buckets used as toilets and a single tap in the room under the control of invisible guards. Loud noises prevented inmates from sleeping and air-conditioning could be turned on to chill them.

The affidavits also include descriptions of torture, a practice banned by Israel's Supreme Court in 1999. Hannah Friedman, director of the Public Committee Against Torture, says her group has recorded a steady rise in such cases in Israeli jails during the intifada. A recent survey showed that 58% of Palestinian prisoners reported overt violence, including beatings, kicking, shaking, being forced into painful positions and having handcuffs intentionally tightened.

Such practices and worse are commonplace in Facility 1391. According to the affidavit of Mohammed Jadallah, he was repeatedly beaten, his shackles were tightened, he was tied in painful positions to a chair and not allowed to go to the toilet. He was prevented from sleeping, with water thrown on him if he nodded off. The interrogators showed him pictures of family members and threatened to harm them. "They brought me a picture of my father in prison clothes and played a cassette of him as a detainee. They threatened to imprison and to torture him."

But these prisoners probably fared better than Facility 1391's long-term inmates, the foreign nationals. The Palestinians who passed through the secret prison remained under the authority of the General Security Services (Shin Bet), responsible for interrogation in the usual Israeli detention centres. Foreign nationals in Facility 1391 are the responsibility of a special wing of Israeli military intelligence known as Unit 504. The treatment of these prisoners has been revealed by documents submitted to the courts in Dirani's law suit. He was seized from his home in Lebanon in May 1994 in an attempt by Israeli intelligence to get information on the whereabouts of an airman, Ron Arad, whose plane crashed over south Lebanon in 1986. Dirani held Arad for two years before allegedly selling him on to Iran.

Dirani, who was moved to Ashmoret prison near Netanya a year ago, spent eight years in Facility 1391, along with another famous inmate, Sheikh Abdel Karim Obeid of Hizbullah. In the first months of Dirani's capture, when hopes of extracting information about Arad were high, he was tortured by a senior army interrogator known only as "Major George". Although torture was at that time legal in Israel, Dirani is suing the state and "George" for two incidents of sexual abuse. In one, "George" allegedly ordered a soldier to rape Dirani; in the other, he is accused of inserting a wooden baton into Dirani's rectum.

Dirani's accusations have been corroborated by affadavits from soldiers who served in the prison. One interrogator says: "I know that it was customary to threaten to insert a stick if the subject did not talk." A petition signed by 60 officers in defence of "George" does not deny that such practices were employed, only that it is unfair to victimise him for using working methods standard in the prison. "George" has admitted that it was normal practice for detainees to be naked while being interrogated.

Jihad Shuman, a British national whom Israel accused of belonging to Hizbullah after he was arrested in Jerusalem in January 2001, was held in Facility 1391 for three nights. He recounts severe beatings by soldiers: "They removed my blindfold. I saw 15 armed soldiers, some with clubs, standing around me. Some of them beat me, pushed me and punched me from behind." Soon afterwards he was interrogated by a man in uniform who said: "You have to confess or you're done for, and no one will know what happened to you. Confession or death."

The effects on the emotional and psycho logical well-being of inmates are not hard to predict. A relative of Dirani's, Ghassan Dirani, who was captured with him and held in Facility 1391, later developed catatonic schizophrenia.

Although Israel has confirmed to the courts that Facility 1391 is a secret prison, it is unclear whether it is the only one in Israel. Among documents submitted to Hamoked by the Israeli army are those relating to Moussa Azzain, 35, a Hizbullah activist imprisoned in the notorious Khiam jail in south Lebanon in August 1992. According to Israeli officials, he was later transferred to a "Barak Facility" in Israel. Azzain reports that he was taken to a secret prison referred to by inmates as "Sarafend", a name often mentioned by Lebanese prisoners. This is the English name of an army base known as Tzrifin, on the outskirts of Tel Aviv.

Before the government-imposed information blackout, Facility 1391 was occasionally called by the name of the neighbouring kibbutz, which is neither Barak nor Sarafend, leading Hamoked to suspect that the facility where Azzain was held may not have been 1391. Hamoked's director, Dalia Kerstein, points out that Azzain was taken to Haifa in northern Israel when he was allowed to see a lawyer. Dirani and Obeid, both of whom are known to have been held in Facility 1391, were always taken to Tel Aviv. That may suggest that Azzain was held in another secret jail, possibly close to Haifa. Several detainees known to have been held in a secret prison say they could hear the sound of waves. Facility 1391 is some distance from the sea. Others say they could hear the sound of planes taking off or gunfire, possible from a military firing range. There are up to 70 Taggart buildings--heavily fortified police stations built during the British Mandate--so several could be used without raising suspicion.

Another Taggart building, in Gedera, south of Tel Aviv, is reported to have been a secret prison until the 1970s, when operations were supposedly relocated to Facility 1391. There may be other precedents. A former Red Cross official, who tracked prisoners during the first intifada between 1987-93, says the organisation learned in the early 1990s that Israel had been secretly holding Palestinians in a wing of a military detention centre near Nablus, known as Farah. He suspects that Israel may have several secret prisons, which it opens depending on its needs. During the height of the occupation of Lebanon, several could have been used. The glut of Palestinian prisoners last year may have forced Israel to open more secret jails.

Kerstein also fears that Israel may lease the services of such prisons to other countries, particularly the US following its invasion of Iraq. The Red Cross has confirmed that no Iraqis are being held in Camp X-Ray. In the current mayhem in Iraq it is almost impossible to know who has been arrested and where they are being held.

Diplomatic sources say there is strong evidence that the United States is using Jordan to interrogate prisoners, to circumvent international law out of sight of the Red Cross, which has access to Camp X-Ray. Egypt, Morocco and Paki stan may also be helping. "It would be quite astounding if Israel, the US's most loyal ally, which we now know has at least one secret prison, wasn't offering its services to the US," says Kerstein. "Israel has decades of expertise in torturing and interrogating Arab prisoners--exactly the skills the Americans now need since the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq."

Jonathan Cook is a journalist living in Israel. This article originally appeared in Le Monde Diplomatique.


Weekend Edition Features for Nov. 8 / 9, 2003

Kathleen and Bill Christison
Zionism as Racist Ideology

Gabriel Kolko
Intelligence for What?
The Vietnam War Reconsidered

Saul Landau
The Bride Wore Black: the Policy Nuptials of Boykin and Wolfowitz

Brian Cloughley
Speeding Up to Nowhere: Training the New Iraqi Police

William Blum
The Anti-Empire Report:
A Permanent Occupation?

David Lindorff
A New Kind of Dancing in Iraq: from Occupation to Guerrilla War

Elaine Cassel
Bush's War on Non-Citizens

Tim Wise
Persecuting the Truth: Claims of Christian Victimization Ring Hollow

Toni Solo
Robert Zoellick and "Wise Blood"

Michael Donnelly
Will the Real Ron Wyden Please Stand Up?

Mark Hand
Building a Vanguard Movement: a Review of Stan Goff's Full Spectrum Disorder

Norman Solomon
War, Social Justice, Media and Democracy

Norman Madarasz
American Neocons and the Jerusalem Post

Adam Engel
Raising JonBenet

Dave Zirin
An Interview with George Foreman

Poets' Basement
Guthrie, Albert and Greeder

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