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Today's
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December 19, 2003
Gary Leupp
The
Neocon's Dream Memo
December 18, 2003
Ann Harrison
A
Landmark Victory for Medical Pot
John L. Hess
Catfish
Blues: The SOB's from Out of Town
Karyn Strickler
Ebola
is Good for You!
Niranjan Ramakrishnan
Duryodhana
Dies
Harry Browne
Hail
Jim Hickey, the "Irish Hero" of the Colonial Occupation
of Iraq
Hammond Guthrie
Captured in Abasement
December 17, 2003
Robert Fisk
Saddam's
Cold Comforts
Gideon Levy
"Don't
Even Think About the Children"
Marjorie Cohn
The Fortuitous
Arrest of Saddam: a Pyrrhic Victory?
Andrew Cockburn
Saddam's
Last Act
December 16, 2003
Robert Fisk
Getting
Saddam...15 Years Too Late
Mahajan / Jensen
Saddam
in Irons: The Hard Truths Remain
John Halle
Matt
Gonzalez and Me
Josh Frank
The
Democrats and Saddam
Tariq Ali
Saddam
on Parade: the New Model of Imperialism
December 15, 2003
Robert Fisk
The Capture
of Saddam Won't Stop the Guerrilla War
Dave Lindorff
The
Saddam Dilemma
Abu Spinoza
Blowback on the Stand: The Trial of Saddam Hussein
Norman Solomon
For
Telling the Truth: the Strange Case of Katharine Gun
Patrick Cockburn
The
Capture of Saddam
Stew Albert
Joy to the World
December 13 / 14, 2003
Bill and Kathleen Christison
Chickenhearts
at Notre Dame: the Pervasive Fear of Talking About the Israeli
Connection
Stan Goff
Jessica Lynch, Plural
Tariq Ali
The Same Old Racket in Iraq
Jeffrey St. Clair
The Map is not the Territory
Marty Bender / Stan Cox
Dr. Atkins vs. the Planet
Christopher Brauchli
Mercury Rising: the EPA's Presents to Industry
Gary Leupp
On Marriage in "Recorded History", an Open Letter to
Gov. Mitt Romney
Sasan Fayazmanesh
The Saga of Iran's Alleged WMD
Larry Everest
Saddam, Oil and Empire: Supply v. Demand
William S. Lind
How to Fight a 4th Generation War
Fran Shor
From Vietnam to Iraq: Counterinsurgency and Insurgency
Ron Jacobs
Child Abuse as Public Policy
Omar Barghouti
Relative Humanity and a Just Peace in the Middle East
Adam Engel
Pretty Damn Evil: an Interview with Ed Herman
Kristin Van Tassel
Breastfeeding Compromised
Ben Tripp
On Getting Stabbed
Susan Davis
"The Secret Lives of Dentists", a Review
Dave Zirin
Does Dylan Still Matter? an Interview with Mike Marqusee
Norman Madarasz
Searching for the Barbarians
Poets' Basement
Guthrie and Albert
Website of the Weekend
Dean on Race
December 12, 2003
Josh Frank
Halliburton,
Timber and Dean
Chris Floyd
The
Inhuman Stain
Dave Lindorff
Infanticide
as Liberation: Hiding the Dead Babies
Benjamin Dangl
Another Two Worlds Are Possible?
Jean-Paul Barrois
Two States or One? an Interview with Sami Al-Deeb on the Geneva
Accords
David Vest
Bush
Drops the Mask: They Died for Halliburton
December 11, 2003
Siegfried Sassoon
A
Soldier's Declaration Against War
Douglas Valentine
Preemptive
Manhunting: the CIA's New Assassination Program
John Chuckman
The Parable of Samarra
Peter Phillips
US Hypocrisy on War Crimes: Corp Media Goes Along for the Ride
James M. Carter
The
Merchants of Blood: War Profiteering from Vietnam to Iraq
December 10, 2003
Kurt Nimmo
The
War According to Newt Gingrich
Pat Youngblood / Robert
Jensen
Workers
Rights are Human Rights
Jeff Guntzel
On Killing Children
CounterPunch Wire
Ashcroft Threatens to Subpoena Journalist's Notes in Stewart
Case
Dave Lindorff
Gore's
Judas Kiss
December 9, 2003
Michael Donnelly
A
Gentle Warrior Passes: Craig Beneville's Quiet Thunder
Chris White
A Glitch
in the Matrix: Where is East Timor Today?
Abu Spinoza
The Occupation Concertina: Pentagon Punishes Iraqis Israeli Style
Laura Carlsen
The FTAA: a Broken Consensus
Richard Trainor
Process and Profits: the California Bullet Train, Then and Now
Josh Frank
Politicians as Usual: Gore Dean and the Greens
Ron Jacobs
Remembering
John Lennon
December 8, 2003
Newton Garver
Bolivia
at a Crossroads
John Borowski
The
Fall of a Forest Defender: the Exemplary Life of Craig Beneville
William Blum
Anti-Empire
Report: Revised Inspirations for War
Tess Harper
When Christians Kill
Thom Rutledge
My Next Step
Carol Wolman, MD
Nuclear
Terror and Psychic Numbing
Michael Neumann
Ignatieff:
Apostle of He-manitariansim
Website of the Day
Bust Bob Novak
December 6 / 7, 2003
Alexander Cockburn
The
UN: Should Be Late; Never Was Great
CounterPunch Special
Toronto Globe and Mail Kills Review of "The Politics of
Anti-Semitism"
Vicente Navarro
Salvador Dali, Fascist
Saul Landau
"Reality
Media": Michael Jackson, Bush and Iraq
Ben Tripp
How Bush Can Still Win
Gary Leupp
On Purchasing Syrian Beer
Ron Jacobs
Are We Doing Body Counts, Now?
Larry Everest
Oil, Power and Empire
Lee Sustar
Defying the Police State in Miami
Jacob Levich
When NGOs Attack: Implications for the Coup in Georgia
Toni Solo
Game Playing by Free Trade Rules: the Results from Indonesia
and Dominican Republic
Mark Scaramella
How to Fix the World Bank
Bruce Anderson
The San Francisco Mayor's Race
Brian Cloughley
Shredding the Owner's Manual: the Hollow Charter of the UN
Adam Engel
A Conversation with Tim Wise
Neve Gordon
Fuad and Ezra: an Update on Gays Under the Occupation
Kurt Nimmo
Bush Gives "Freedom" Medal to Robert Bartley
Tom Stephens
Justice Takes a Holiday
Susan Davis
Avast, Me Hearties! a Review of Disney's "Pirates of the
Caribbean"
Jeffrey St. Clair
A
Natural Eye: the Photography of Brett Weston
Mickey Z.
Press Box Red
Poets' Basement
Greeder, Orloski, Albert
T-shirt of the Weekend
Got Santorum?
December 5, 2003
Jeremy Scahill
Bremer
of the Tigris
Jeremy Brecher
Amistad
Revisited at Guantanamo?
Norman Solomon
Dean
and the Corp Media Machine
Norman Madarasz
France
Starts Facing Up to Anti-Muslim Discrimination
Pablo Mukherjee
Afghanistan:
the Road Back
December 4, 2003
M. Junaid Alam
Image
and Reality: an Interview with Norman Finkelstein
Adam Engel
Republican
Chris Floyd
Naked Gun: Sex, Blood and the FBI
Adam Federman
The US Footprint in Central Asia
Gary Leupp
The
Fall of Shevardnadze
Guthrie / Albert
RIP Clark Kerr
December 3, 2003
Stan Goff
Feeling
More Secure Yet?: Bush, Security, Energy & Money
Joanne Mariner
Profit Margins and Mortality Rates
George Bisharat
Who Caused the Palestinian Diaspora?
Mickey Z.
Tear Down That Wal-Mart
John Stanton
Bush Post-2004: a Nightmare Scenario
Harry Browne
Shannon
Warport: "No More Business as Usual"
December 2, 2003
Matt Vidal
Denial
and Deception: Before and Beyond Iraqi Freedom
Benjamin Dangl
An Interview with Evo Morales on the Colonization of the Americas
Sam Bahour
Can It Ever Really End?
Norman Solomon
That
Pew Poll on "Trade" Doesn't Pass the Sniff Test
Josh Frank
Trade
War Fears
Andrew Cockburn
Tired,
Terrified, Trigger-Happy
December 1, 2003
Fawzia Afzal-Khan
Unholy
Alliances: Zionism, US Imperialism and Islamic Fundamentalism
Dave Lindorff
Bush's
Baghdad Pitstop: Memories of LBJ in Vietnam
Harry Browne
Democracy Delayed in Northern Ireland
Wayne Madsen
Wagging the Media
Herman Benson
The New Unity Partnership for Labor: Bureaucratizing to Organize?
Gilad Atzmon
About
"World Peace"
Bill Christison
US
Foreign Policy and Intelligence: Monstrous Messes
November 29 / 30, 2003
Peter Linebaugh
On
the Anniversary of the Death of Wolfe Tone
Gary Leupp
Politicizing War on Fox News: a Tale of Two Memos
Saul Landau
Lying and Cheating:
Bush's New Political Math
Michael Adler
Inside a Miami Jail: One Activist's Narrative
Anthony Arnove
"They Put the Lie to Their Own Propaganda": an Interview
with John Pilger
Greg Weiher
Why Bush Needs Osama and Saddam
Stephen Banko, III
A Soldier's Dream
Forrest Hylton
Empire and Revolution in Bolivia
Toni Solo
The "Free Trade" History Eraser
Ben Terrall
Don't Think Twice: Bush Does Bali
Standard Schaefer
Unions
are the Answer to Supermarkets Woes
Richard Trainor
The Political Economy of Earthquakes: a Journey Across the Bay
Bridge
Mark Gaffney
US Congress Does Israel's Bidding, Again
Adam Engel
The System Really Works
Dave Lindorff
They, the Jury: How the System Rigs the Jury Pool
Susan Davis
Framing the Friedmans
Neve Gordon
Arundhati Roy's Complaint for Peace
Mitchel Cohen
Thomas Jefferson and Slavery
Ben Tripp
Capture Me, Daddy
Poets' Basement
Kearney, Albert, Guthrie and Smith
November 28, 2003
William S. Lind
Worse Than Crimes
David Vest
Turkey
Potemkin
Robert Jensen / Sam Husseini
New Bush Tape Raises Fears of Attacks
Wayne Madsen
Wag
the Turkey
Harold Gould
Suicide as WMD? Emile Durkheim Revisited
Gabriel Kolko
Vietnam
and Iraq: Has the US Learned Anything?
South Asia Tribune
The Story
of the Most Important Pakistan Army General in His Own Words
Website of the Day
Bush Draft
November 27, 2003
Mitchel Cohen
Why
I Hate Thanksgiving
Jack Wilson
An
Account of One Soldier's War
Stefan Wray
In the Shadows of the School of the Americas
Al Krebs
Food as Corporate WMD
Jim Scharplaz
Going Up Against Big Food: Weeding Out the Small Farmer
Neve Gordon
Gays
Under Occupation: Help Save the Life of Fuad Moussa
November 26, 2003
Paul de Rooij
Amnesty
International: the Case of a Rape Foretold
Bruce Jackson
Media
and War: Bringing It All Back Home
Stew Albert
Perle's
Confession: That's Entertainment
Alexander Cockburn
Miami and London: Cops in Two Cities
David Orr
Miami Heat
Tom Crumpacker
Anarchists
on the Beach
Mokhiber / Weissman
Militarization in Miami
Derek Seidman
Naming the System: an Interview with Michael Yates
Kathy Kelly
Hogtied
and Abused at Ft. Benning
Website of the Day
Iraq Procurement
November 25, 2003
Linda S. Heard
We,
the Besieged: Western Powers Redefine Democracy
Diane Christian
Hocus
Pocus in the White House: Of Warriors and Liberators
Mark Engler
Miami's
Trade Troubles
David Lindorff
Ashcroft's
Cointelpro
Website of the Day
Young McCarthyites of Texas
November 24, 2003
Jeremy Scahill
The
Miami Model
Elaine Cassel
Gulag
Americana: You Can't Come Home Again
Ron Jacobs
Iraq
Now: Oh Good, Then the War's Over?
Alexander Cockburn
Rupert Murdoch: Global Tyrant
Hot Stories
Alexander Cockburn
Behold,
the Head of a Neo-Con!
Subcomandante Marcos
The
Death Train of the WTO
Norman Finkelstein
Hitchens
as Model Apostate
Steve Niva
Israel's
Assassination Policy: the Trigger for Suicide Bombings?
Dardagan,
Slobodo and Williams
CounterPunch Exclusive:
20,000 Wounded Iraqi Civilians
Steve
J.B.
Prison Bitch
Sheldon
Rampton and John Stauber
True Lies: the Use of Propaganda
in the Iraq War
Wendell
Berry
Small Destructions Add Up
CounterPunch
Wire
WMD: Who Said What When
Cindy
Corrie
A Mother's Day Talk: the Daughter
I Can't Hear From
Gore Vidal
The
Erosion of the American Dream
Francis Boyle
Impeach
Bush: A Draft Resolution
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December
19, 2003
The Road to Civil
War
Occupation
Fails to Capture Iraqis' Loyalty
By ZOLTAN GROSSMAN
Julius Caesar knew how to announce the capture
an enemy leader. In 52 BC, his Roman soldiers defeated the tribes
of Gaul, and captured the Gallic leader Vercingetorix. The "barbarian"
chief was paraded through Rome in chains, and executed after
six years in captivity. In The Gallic Wars, Caesar justified
his invasion and occupation of Gaul by writing that Vercingetorix
"terrorized waverers with the rigors of an iron discipline.
Serious cases of disaffection were punished by torture and death
at the stake, and even for a minor fault he would cut off a man's
ears or gouge out one of his eyes, that they may be an example
to the rest, and frighten others."
Caesar described the Gallic defense and
ultimate surrender: "To the extraordinary valor of our soldiers,
devices of every sort were opposed by the Gauls....I ordered
that their weapons should be surrendered and their tribal chiefs
brought before me. I took my place on the fortifications in front
of the camp and the chiefs were brought to me there. Vercingetorix
was surrendered, and the weapons were laid down before me....A
thanksgiving of twenty days is decreed..."
In 2003 AD, George W. Bush also announced
the capture of an enemy leader, using much the same language
as his Roman predecessor: "The world is better off without
you, Mr. Saddam Hussein....Our brave troops, combined with good
intelligence, found you....He stayed in power by fear, by ruling
through fear....He's a liar. He's a torturer. He's a murderer....
He's a person that was willing to destroy his country and to
kill a lot of his fellow citizens. He's a person who used weapons
of mass destruction against citizens in his own country."
President Bush had no weapons of mass
destruction laid down before him. He nevertheless justified his
invasion and occupation of Iraq as an occasion for thanksgiving:
"Saturday, when we captured Saddam, it was a day where America
is more secure as a result of his capture...And so I told my
dad, I said, it's a great day for America..."
The Worst Possible
News for Bush
Bush may be no Caesar, just as Saddam
is no Vercingetorix, but the dynamics of empire have changed
little. Caesar's capture of the Gallic leader marked a high point
in his reign, but his reign dramatically ended only two years
after the execution of the Gallic chief (who ultimately became
a French national hero). Bush's capture of the Iraqi leader also
has marked a high point in his Administration, with his ministers
and colonial governor barely able to conceal their giddiness.
But as they promote the trial and execution of Saddam, they are
also exhibiting an overconfidence in their imperial reach.
In the short term, the capture of Saddam
is the best possible news for the Occupation. The capture could
begin to reduce Baathist attacks against U.S. troops, and public
opposition to the continuing war. Yet in the long term, the capture
could also end up being the worst possible news for the Occupation.
Without Saddam as a looming threat, Bush has lost his most powerful
argument for keeping troops in Iraq, and may end up stimulating
more Iraqi resistance.
Most Americans see only two sides in
a war. We have been brought up in a two-party electoral system,
and have been instilled with a "good-vs.-evil" religious
ethic. But a complex multifaceted conflict, like the war in Iraq,
never has just two sides. Saddam's capture will certainly not
end the fears of his Sunni Arab minority that it will be shut
out of power, one of the factors fueling the guerrilla insurgency
in central Iraq. It will not matter much to Sunni Islamists,
who view both Saddam and Bush as their secular enemies.
The Shi'ite Resistance
The capture will matter the most to the
group that feared and hated Saddam the most: the Shi'ite Arabs
of southern Iraq and eastern Baghdad. But their reaction will
be the opposite of the one anticipated by Bush and his colonial
governor Paul Bremer. Instead of lauding the capture as a reason
to cooperate with the Americans, the Shi'ites will resolve to
more quickly end the Occupation. Saddam's capture may end up
being the worst possible news for Bush, because it could easily
heighten resistance among the key majority group in the country.
Shi'ite leaders have strongly opposed
the Occupation, but they been reluctant to direct their powerful
militia groups to join the insurgency. They did not want to be
perceived as fighting on the same side as Saddam's Baathists,
or Sunni Islamists. They also did not want to contribute to even
the slightest possibility that the dictator could return to power
and again take vengeance on their community. But now those disincentives
have disappeared overnight. Shi'ite clerics can argue that since
the Americans have caught the guy, their job is finished in Iraq,
and their mission is over. The Americans can go home now, with
the emphasis on "now."
The single most important reaction to
Saddam's capture will be from the Shi'ite Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani.
He has recently been at odds with the Coalition Provisional Authority
(CPA) and its handpicked Iraqi Governing Council over their plans
to hold only limited elections next Fall. Sistani has called
for a fully democratic vote next Summer for a national government
that would restore sovereignty to Iraq. The Shi'ites view anything
less than full democracy as a slap in the face, because they
would be denied their rightful place as the Iraqi majority.
Iraqi Shi'ites would have preferred that
they had been allowed to overthrow and capture their own dictator.
They remember the U.S. support for Saddam, first in the name
of fighting Communism, then of fighting the Shi'ite revolution
in Iran. Washington inaccurately viewed Iraqi Shi'ite resisters
as merely pawns of Iran. The Shi'ites remember when U.S. forces
sat outside Basra as Saddam slaughtered them in 1991, much as
the Soviet Army waited outside Warsaw as the Nazis crushed the
Polish Resistance. And like Eastern Europeans, they welcomed
their liberation from tyranny, but resisted when the so-called
"liberators" decided to stay.
A permanent presence?
And stay they will. Although the Occupation
authorities discuss turning power over to Iraqi authorities sometime
in 2004, they never discuss the possible withdrawal of their
troops. The CPA has already decided in advance that a new sovereign
Iraqi government will invite U.S. and British forces to remain
in the country. Bremer claims that these forces will be necessary
for "security," although many Iraqis assume the troops
will stay to control Iraqi oil fields. The Pentagon has leaked
proposals for four permanent U.S. military bases, to join the
string of new bases left behind by other recent interventions,
creating a new U.S. sphere of influence in the region.
The U.S. bases left behind in Saudi Arabia
after the 1991 Gulf War were also justified as "security"
against Saddam. They instead stimulated resentment to an armed
non-Muslim presence in the Islamic holy land, leading directly
to the formation of Al Qaeda and the 9/11 attacks. It is no coincidence
that most U.S. bases were quickly withdrawn from Saudi Arabia
after the conquest of Iraq provided a strategic substitute.
But the U.S. forces are jumping from
the frying pan into the fire. Instead of being stationed in the
country with the Muslim holy sites of Mecca and Medina, they
are now stationed in the country with the Shi'ite holy cities
of Najaf and Karbala. Massive demonstrations have shook cities
such as Hillah, where peaceful Shi'ite protesters recently ousted
the <U.S.-appointed> regional governor. They have been
joined by independent trade unionists, angry that the CPA is
using Saddam's anti-labor laws to repress their movement.
Every time the CPA seeks to exude an
image of stability in Iraq, it ends up exposing the unstable
situation in the country. Bush's surprise visit to Baghdad was
meant to boost troop morale. But Iraqi citizens could see that
Bush was afraid to leave the safety of the airport to press the
flesh with them. Bush's secretive visit bore little resemblance
to the open visits of Eisenhower to Korea, or of LBJ and Nixon
to Vietnam, during much more intense wars. The U.S. promotion
of Saddam's execution is similarly meant to communicate stability
to Iraqis, who understandably want to eliminate their former
tyrant. Yet it may also be perceived as a way to silence Saddam,
so in future years he cannot grant interviews about the aid he
received from Western governments and corporations.
The Bush Administration foreign policy
has become the world's largest generator of self-fulfilling prophecies.
By invading countries that "might" have weapons of
mass destruction, it has driven some states to speed up their
nuclear programs as a deterrent against invasion. By invading
Iraq because it "might" have links to Islamist terrorists,
it has enabled Al Qaeda to step up recruitment, and possibly
send cadre to Iraq that were not there before the war. By vowing
to "stay the course" for stability in Iraq, U.S. forces
will instead stimulate more "blowback" among ordinary
Iraqis, and the vicious circle continues.
Preventing Civil War?
Perhaps the most dangerous self-fulfilling
prophecy is that U.S. troops need to stay in Iraq in order to
"prevent civil war." This is an argument even accepted
by some liberals who opposed the invasion of Iraq, but defend
the Occupation now that the troops are there. Perhaps they have
internalized the image of Muslims as uncontrollable savages out
to slit throats.
The fact is that many of the ethnic and
religious divisions in the Middle East have been widened, not
narrowed, by colonial rule. Outsiders tend to worsen internal
differences, not improve them. Continued outside interference
can actually exacerbate internal tensions and in the process
actually cause a civil war.
Colonial rulers have always tended to
side with one faction against another. They need native leadership
to help them carry out indirect rule, and often offer advantages
to leadership from a particular ethnic or religious group. Belgian
colonial rule over Rwanda constructed the resentment of Tutsis
by Hutus, much as British colonial rule over Indian exacerbated
tensions between Hindus and Muslims.
The American tendency to select "good
guys" to fight "bad guys" in internal conflicts
strongly resembles this colonial history. The U.S. entered Somalia
as a "peacekeeping" force to keep warring clan militias
apart, but took sides against one warlord, and paid the consequences.
In former Yugoslavia, U.S. interventions opposed Serbian nationalists,
but sided with Croatian and Albanian nationalists. The massive
expulsion of Kosovar Albanians started after NATO began bombing
the Serbs, and was followed by a reverse expulsion of the Serbs.
Outside intervention in brought a "peace" based only
on successful "ethnic cleansing."
It is simply not inevitable that in the
absence of Western troops, Iraqis will naturally want to slit
each others' throats. Despite their ethnic and religious diversity,
Iraqis have a set of common experiences that have helped construct
a state identity over the past century. Iraqis' resistance to
Turkish and British colonial forces, and the overthrow of their
pro-Western monarch, were only the beginning. In recent decades,
Iraqis have also together faced Saddam's harsh repression, a
brutal border war with Iran, and bombing, sanctions, and occupation
by the Americans and British. Iraqis have far more in common
with each other than with foreign rulers or exiles.
Iraqis appear to be tired of war and
indignities, and tend to support a new government that incorporates
Arabs and Kurds, Sunnis and Shi'ites. Yet the CPA's Iraqi Governing
Council, dominated by elite exiles, does not fit the bill. Many
Iraqis resent the exiles' collaboration with the Americans, increasing
the risk of a real civil war. The CPA has set up an advantage
whether the Council succeeds or fails. If the Council succeeds,
it will be compliant to U.S. wishes. If the Council is weakened
or torn apart by its ethnic, religious or political divisions,
the U.S. can justify a continued troop presence to "stabilize"
the country and its oil supply.
The suggestion that full sovereignty
should be delayed due to the risk of civil war is not one we
would make to ourselves. Americans fought for their independence
even though they were torn by internal differences. No Americans
advocated in 1861 that the British should back send the redcoats
to prevent our own bloody civil war. Contradictions in a sovereign
state sometimes lead to a civil war, but denying full sovereignty
is not a solution. Frustrated by outside control they cannot
change, Iraqis may take their frustrations out on each other.
Bush is repeating the mistakes of the
Roman emperors, justifying the extension of an empire by claiming
the "barbarians" are not capable of ruling themselves.
Our continued military presence in Iraq may not prevent a civil
war, but instead guarantee one. The only way it may ultimately
prevent a civil war is to turn Iraqis, regardless of their own
differences, to turn against us.
Dr. Zoltan Grossman is an Assistant Professor of Geography at the
University of Wisconsin-Eau Claire. His peace writings can be
seen at www.uwec.edu/grossmzc/peace.html,
and he can be reached at grossmzc@uwec.edu.
Weekend
Edition Features for Dec. 13 / 14, 2003
Bill and Kathleen Christison
Chickenhearts
at Notre Dame: the Pervasive Fear of Talking About the Israeli
Connection
Stan Goff
Jessica Lynch, Plural
Tariq Ali
The Same Old Racket in Iraq
Jeffrey St. Clair
The Map is not the Territory
Marty Bender / Stan Cox
Dr. Atkins vs. the Planet
Christopher Brauchli
Mercury Rising: the EPA's Presents to Industry
Gary Leupp
On Marriage in "Recorded History", an Open Letter to
Gov. Mitt Romney
Sasan Fayazmanesh
The Saga of Iran's Alleged WMD
Larry Everest
Saddam, Oil and Empire: Supply v. Demand
William S. Lind
How to Fight a 4th Generation War
Fran Shor
From Vietnam to Iraq: Counterinsurgency and Insurgency
Ron Jacobs
Child Abuse as Public Policy
Omar Barghouti
Relative Humanity and a Just Peace in the Middle East
Adam Engel
Pretty Damn Evil: an Interview with Ed Herman
Kristin Van Tassel
Breastfeeding Compromised
Ben Tripp
On Getting Stabbed
Susan Davis
"The Secret Lives of Dentists", a Review
Dave Zirin
Does Dylan Still Matter? an Interview with Mike Marqusee
Norman Madarasz
Searching for the Barbarians
Poets' Basement
Guthrie and Albert
Website of the Weekend
Dean on Race
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