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Apologies for not getting to this second installment sooner. This is a large and demanding subject so it's tough to find enough free time to put it all together. Also, our friends at blogger had an emotional episode yesterday and I couldn't post. On Wednesday, I wrote that I would try to put all the latest developments "in one place." I failed miserably, as the length of this followup shows.
Last Thursday, Rwandan authorities held ceremonies in Kigali to mark the tenth anniversary of the genocide. As part of a week long commemoration of the genocide, President Kagame spoke to a crowd of 65,000 inside the Amahoro ("peace" in kinyarwanda) national football stadium. The Belgian government has built a national memorial on a Kigali hilltop where survivors gathered on the 7th to bury 20 coffins holding the remains of hundreds of victims recently excavated from mass graves. Kagame then lit a flame that will burn for 100 days (the duration of the genocide) outside the newly built Kigali National Memorial Center. The commemorations started with burial ceremony. Survivors draped in violet, the Rwandan color of mourning, sang in memory of the dead while their remains were lowered into the gigantic crypts of the memorial. Sobbing became increasingly audible in the stadium. In the middle the packed crowd, someone shouted. "It was our neighbors. They killed us! They killed us all!" A woman overcome with emotion attempted to hurl herself down the steps and rows of chairs collapsed. She was removed with some difficulty. Similar dramas broke out in the stadium. "Who among us didn't shudder on hearing the cry that pierced our assembly?" asked African Unity president Alpha Oumar Konaré. EU representative Brian Cowen, who is Irish minister for Foreign Affairs, was present at the ceremonies as was Belgian prime minister Verhofstadt and his 200 person retinue. "We failed in our most basic duty," said Verhofstadt. "Our duty of intervention and humanity." Though he had been invited by Rwandan authorities, French undersecretary for foreign affairs Renaud Muselier decided to cut his trip short following president Kagame's accusations of complicity in the genocide. Rwandan President Kagamé took the opportunity to berate France yet again: "they knowingly trained and armed the soldiers and militias who were to commit a genocide and they knew they were going to commit this genocide," he said. "The French deliberately saved the killers without protecting the victims." Most explosively, Kagamé also claimed that, during a Paris visit two years before the genocide, when his rebel forces were advancing on Rwanda, he was warned that, if his forces didn't stop their advance, "they wouldn't find any more of their own kind when the got to Kigali." The French "have the audacity to stand there without apologizing," he said. On Thursday morning, French president Chirac observed a moment of silence for the victims. But following Kagamé's remarks at the ceremony, the MFA released the following statement: "Accusations that are both grave and unfounded have been leveled against France. This is why the decision has been made to shorten the Foreign Affairs undersecretary's stay in Kigali." And fast and furious developments are continuously arising. The Rwandan government is now fixing the number of people killed, and whose names and places of death have been identified, at 937,000. This month, British author Linda Melvern published a book that contains information from a transcript of the interrogation of former Rwandan prime minister Jean Kambanda, currently serving a life sentence for genocide. The BBC is reporting that a ICTR prosecutor Barbara Mulvaney flew to London to question Melvern about how she obtained the transcript (Melvern declined to reveal this, of course). The BBC say that Kambanda's testimony "goes into remarkable detail" about how the genocide was organized. Some remarkable detail: Interrogator: "Did any Tutsi complain to you?The genocide was anything but a spontaneous explosion of violence, as many have long assumed, but rather an operation orchestrated by Hutu extremists from Rwanda's north attempting to maintain their hold on power. Melvern uses this and other documents to demonstrate the meticulous premeditation of the killing, revealing, for instance, Kambanda's testimony on cabinet-level discussions about the genocide. She also reveals that the Rwandan government imported $750,000 worth of Chinese machetes (enough to arm one in every three Rwanda men). Mulvern also discusses arms imports from France and Egypt shortly before the genocide and offers an "insider's account of the roadblocks where so many Tutsi lost their lives." Many of the road blocks were manned by French troops. However, these revelations merely confirm what has long been known: the UN received a telegram on January 11, 1994 from its local force commander Roméo Dallaire who has since published a book on "the failure of Humanity in Rwanda." Dallaire sought protection for the wife and family of an informant, as well as the informant himself, who told Dallaire of Hutu plans for the Tutsi genocide and of the location of interahamwe arms caches. The informant revealed that all Tutsi in Kigali had been registered by the government and that Interahamwe personnel could kill 1,000 in as little as twenty minutes. Kofi Annan replied the same day telling Dallaire to inform president Habyarimana of the informant's statements — though the president's men were the ones they implicated. Last february and March, filmmaker Georges Kapler filmed interviews with three Interahamwe militiamen which he presented in Paris. The three men say they were "trained and assisted" by France and one of them, Jean-Bosco Halimana, says that "the French gave us a license to kill. They came to support the genocide in a clear and visible manner." Continue reading "Rwanda Revisited II: the Black Box"...
Sunday, April 11, 2004Franczone
The franczone (although perhaps it should now be called the francophone “eurozone”) includes France, Benin, the Central African Republic, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Chad, Congo, Gabon, Equatorial Guinea, Ivory Coast, Guinea-Bissau, Mali, Niger, Senegal and Togo, and the Comoros Islands. The zone (known as the “Communauté Financière Africaine” or “CFA”) is a vestige of colonialism that was created in 1948, and it enables the French Republic to exert a strong influence over its former colonies. In particular, France guarantees the CFA currency’s convertibility to euros (1 French franc used to be the equivalent of 50 CFA francs) and, in exchange, the former French colonies agree to deposit 65% of their foreign exchange reserves with the French Treasury. Should this account with the French Treasury be overdrawn, France reserves the right to veto the CFA zone’s monetary policy.
The rationale behind the CFA—in addition to solidifying France’s economic power over a portion of Africa—was to provide increased fluidity in trade as well as monetary stability and integration in Africa. For example, if 65% of a country’s foreign exchange reserves must be accounted for in a treasury, a constraint is placed on government spending (thereby making rampant borrowing and over-spending more difficult for African heads of state). Devaluation of the CFA currency is also less likely. The CFA (which is actually divided into two regions: the West African Economic and Monetary Union and the Central African Economic and Monetary Community) is nonetheless a frequent target of criticism. Because the CFA currency is pegged to the stronger EU euro, CFA member countries lose some macroeconomic control: they cannot use exchange rates to influence investment or export competitiveness. Moreover, the tie between the French currency and the CFA currency (and the stagnant nature of this exchange rate) means that the prices of CFA member countries’ exports are higher than they might otherwise be. This harms local African businesses and leads to protectionist African trade measures, including tariffs and subsidies, in order to enable local businesses to survive. In addition, the notion that the CFA has led to greater African integration should not be overstated. The Cameroonian economist, Celestin Monga, has pointed out that “a visa is required for movement [between] member countries, and often such visas can be obtained only from the French Embassy.” In the words of one Senegalese economist: “the end result of the partnership between France and its former African colonies has been spectacularly lopsided. France has secured a vast market for its products, a steady supply of cheap raw materials, repatriation of the lion's share of local savings, unrivaled political influence, a strategic presence with military bases occupied free of charge and the certainty that it can rely on its African allies' diplomatic support. But for the Africans, the partnership has meant weak trade performance, tight money, high interest rates, massive capital flight and mountains of debt whose repayment prevents higher investment in education, training, health, food production, housing, and industry.” For further information on the CFA and France (in English), look at this, this and this site.
The State
The Independent has a good round-up of recent French state entanglement in the private sector. One of the items that struck me as particularly unusual was a French court's award in January to LVMH of €100m after a Morgan Stanley analyst wrote a critical report about the French luxury goods company. As a result, Morgan Stanley has cut back on its coverage of luxury good companies. Forbes has more details.
Also, The Times provides further information on the EuroTunnel shareholder revolt, in which approximately 26,000 French investors voted to oust the entire EuroTunnel board. The Times opines that this shareholder action may threaten the incestuous nature of the French business world. The Telegraph reports on the sad financial state of the French-British project, noting that in 2002, "Eurotunnel's total turnover from running the shuttle and from the railway service was £541m, while the interest on its borrowings was a whopping £319m. So just to break even, it would have had to meet all of its operating costs out of £222m. But, in fact, its operating expenditure last year was almost twice that. Staff costs alone were £105m."
Friday, April 09, 2004Smoke gets in your eyes
Rémy Ourdan continues his passage through Baghdad's wistful thinking classes with this report on an aging, chronically depressed Baghdadi pianist who's now planning to emigrate to the US. Samir Peter plays Gershwin for Americans and Brel for the French. He is currently being followed around by BBC documentary filmmaker Sean McAllister. Peter is also old enough to remember the glittering 1960s Baghdad under president Abd al-Salam Aref (1963-1968): "It was fabulous. There were cabarets. The Moulin rouge, The Embassy. Some staged revues from Paris and Las Vegas with their splendid nude dancers. Baghdadi couples went to see them. You could invite your fiancée. When I see Baghdad to-day, these ignorant types and veiled girls..."
Though he may be melancholy and particularly unhappy with the present state of Iraq, Peter says he is "delighted" with the fall of Saddam which is the "most important part" of this American episode. Ourdan reproduces generous portions of Peter's statements about Saddam: This man was the nightmare of an entire people. He insulted, raped and martyred our country. He killed. He rewrote history. He tried to teach us to love war. He taught our children to hate others and to hate art. He taught them to live only by his so-called "values," those of a pathetic dope and a criminal. ... Saddam became president of Iraq by killing all his friends and then he immediately launched a war. This man worshiped the idea of war. You could read the joy and excitement in his eyes when he brandished a rifle. I was able to avoid the call-up for a long time because I taught at the music school. But, one morning, when I was returning from a party, still drunk, three men knocked on my door. They took me away and forced me to sign a document stating that I was a "volunteer" to fight Iran. After two weeks of training at shooting a Kalashnikov, I found myself on the front, in a trench near Basra.Ourdan writes: "Samir is haunted by the face of this Iranian fighter, 'a handsome youth, with a well-trimmed beard.' He will never forgive Saddam Hussein for having made him into a man capable of killing another, even if during an honorable battle. 'I was demobilized soon afterward. A bullet had hit me in the face. And I've been trying to leave Iraq ever since I got back.'" But Peter's luck has been rotten. I was supposed to get my first American visa in 1990: Saddam invaded Kuwait. Then, two of my daughters married Americans of Iraqi origin in Jordan but, every time I planned to leave, there was a problem. Their mother, my ex-wife, went to live in the United States, but not me. After each marriage, I was interrogated by the secret police when I returned to Baghdad. Why were my daughters marrying Americans? Was I a CIA spy? I was supposed to get my second American visa in 2001: I arrived at the American embassy in Jordan the day after September 11. All the visas were canceled: thanks, bin Laden. That time, I was detained and tortured for 12 days when I got back to Baghdad...Since he couldn't get out, Peter lived through the two American wars. I was terrified, especially during the first war. I'll always remember the first night. The planes arrived. I can still hear the sound of these planes. I was very scared but I didn't want my wife to know. And then, boom! The bombs. My wife, who is very pious, prayed the whole night. But I sat on the bed and drank and drank and drank. During the weeks of the American bombing, I think I drank at least 200 bottles of whisky and wine... Then, during the last war, I switched to Valium and whisky, too. The worst part was the ground war, the entrance of the American army into Baghdad. The tanks came, the machine gunners shot up houses, cars, passersby. I was surprised, while taking a bath, by a shell that fell on the roof of my house. There was shooting everywhere. I stayed lying on the bathroom floor for seven hours, naked, wrapped in a towel. I really thought my heart might give out... At last, I rejoiced: it was the end of Saddam. The end of Saddam!In a few days, Peter is to receive one of his daughters and his American grandchildren who have never seen the land of their origins. Peter is overjoyed that they are coming but worries about leaving behind two other children, a son and a daughter who plan to join him in San Diego. Their arrival worries me. Right now, Baghdad is only violence, kidnapping and banditry. I tried to dissuade them from making this trip but my daughter wants her children to see Iraq at least once in their lives. ... How is America? Do you think a 55 year-old Iraqi pianist has any chance of finding work? Of success? ... I gave the scores for all these ballads to the women I wrote them for but I think I remember almost all of them. Maybe I could record an album? Or a Jazz album? Or be an actor in Hollywood?Peter had two names at the music school, "the skirt chaser," given him by the ballet teacher, and "Tom Cruise," because of the tinted aviator sunglasses that he's never without. Ourdan writes: In the evenings, Samir Peter often disappears into a long silence. An abyss of silence. Who or what is he thinking of? Of Saddam, the Iranian soldier, of the women loved and lost? Of this moth-eaten corner cubbyhole that the al-Hamra hotel gives him and where he spends his cavernous nights? He says simply, with a very solemn air, that he's doing "very, very badly."
Oil for Money
"A top U.S. diplomat said yesterday that Russia, France, and China delayed efforts by the UN Security Council to end abuses that helped former Iraqi President Saddam Hussein benefit from the oil-for-food program."
--via Radio Free Europe
Legal
European Union
The Proper Perspective
Over at LOTF, I posted a translation of the latest Baghdad dispatch from Le Monde's Rémy Ourdan. You'll remember the astonishment that accompanied another of his recent articles.
I get the feeling Ourdan may be undergoing something of a transformation. This article is even less equivocal in transcribing Baghdadi feelings about the fall of Saddam. And given the current strife, it makes for a somewhat nourishing read: "When I look at all these faces in my photographs after I've got home, I realize that something has changed..." He looks around the room, all the men sitting on benches, discussing, complaining, laughing.This makes me think of reconsidering my post below on having the jitters. If a Palestinian pan-Arabist in Baghdad finds it so easy to be optimistic, even in this climate, should I lose heart so soon?
Thursday, April 08, 2004Panic on the streets of...
According to the BBC, this evening the CIA warned French authorities of a bomb threat with actionable details: the Company understood an attack might occur between 7:30 and 8:30 pm. French authorities halted traffic on the RER A (red) line and cleared a few stations, stranding 40 - 50,000 passagers. The alert was lifted and traffic normal circulation has resumed. The tip reportedly came from a "Spanish CIA agent" who transmitted this information to the DST.
Moment of Truth
In addition to this ghastly development, any number of horror stories and nightmares are playing themselves out in Iraq. We haven't had much to say about this and perhaps with good reason. My guarded optimism is growing decidedly more defensive.
I'd be lying if I said I couldn't hear my knees knocking together but, as Andrew Sullivan said, "the reality is so opaque and events so fluid that it's hard to know what to say." The only reaction I feel confident in expressing at the moment is that we cannot escape our problems: we must face them. It may sting now, but not half so much as it will if we withdraw. The priceless Shia Pundit comments: "There is a point at which we will unambiguously have fallen from the grace of our own self-interest, let alone Iraq's (however the two are bound). Muqtada Sadr has taken refuge in Najaf today and he will do his utmost to try and make us cross that line." Keep your fingers crossed for the Arba'in on Sunday: let's hope it's less bloody than the Ashura. Remember Democracy, Whisky, Sexy? Seems far off now. Spencer Ackerman quotes the LA Times as having reported the following: Some Najaf residents expressed disgust at Sadr's battle with the U.S. "We can hardly believe that we finally got rid of Saddam after 35 years and could start a new life, and now with this new crisis of Moqtada, everything that we have tried to build is collapsing," said Abu Mustapha, an agricultural engineer.If you're looking for some good news, that dear soul AYS tells us that some districts here in Basra came to a great idea, the Sheiks of many tribes held a meeting and decided to sign on papers promising that any person dares to breach the peace in their areas will be arrested or killed immediately and no one will protect him even if he was one of their tribes.. this meeting relieved the people so much…
Wednesday, April 07, 2004Rwanda Revisted
Tonight, Erik flew in from Paris for a stopover on his way to Texas where he's pursuing a research project and he, Jonathan and I met at the Cedar Tavern for a — hic! — ¡No Pasarán! brain storming session. Now I'm home again and have had a moment to work on this post. Today marks tenth anniversary of the first full day of slaughter in the Rwandan genocide. There have been a number of astounding revelations about French and Rwandan rebel involvement in the genocide. To cover them, Le Monde let loose its Africa specialist, Connecticut-born reporter Stephen Smith (above right). In a matter of days, his reporting set off a chain of international events and discoveries that have profoundly altered the state of public knowledge on the genocide and I thought I'd do the world a favor by putting them all in one place. The world already knows that, since 1959, Rwanda's Tutsi minority had been the subject of periodic pogroms on the part of the country's Hutu majority. On 04.06.94, the private jet belonging to then Rwandan president Juvénal Habyarimana, a Falcon 50, was shot down, touching off in a matter of hours the most intense genocide ever recorded: almost a million people were killed in 100 days.  Recent developments began on March 9 when Le Monde published excerpts of the final 220-page report by the crusading anti-terror investigating magistrate Jean-Louis Bruguière following his six-year investigation in the airplane crash of Habyarimana's plane at the request of French nationals also killed in the crash. A firestorm of recrimination and scandal has followed the publication of this article. Bruguière's report names former rebel leader and current Rwandan president Paul Kagamé is the main organizer of the attack and puts him at the top of a list of high-ranking rebel accomplices, members of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (FPR). Bruguière's investigation collected hundreds of accounts, filed dozens of letters rogatory, required numerous missions abroad in collaboration with other investigators and included testimony from anonymous FPR dissidents under witness protection, of which one was a member of the "network commando," a clandestine group allegedly under Kagamé's direct control and allegedly responsible for carrying out the assassination. This witness explained a hypothesis according to which Tutsi rebels sacrificed Rwanda's "interior Tutsis" (Tutsis who remained in Rwanda following the end of minority Tutsi rule in 1959) by provoking the Hutu into killing them so that the rebels could exploit the situation by seizing power: "Paul Kagamé had little care for the interior Tutsis who were almost assimilated to the Hutu in his eyes," says captain Abdul Ruzibiza. "The interior Tutsis were potential enemies that had to be eliminated, just like the Hutus, in order to take power, Paul Kagamé's main objective." Though under protection, Le Monde's sources claim Ruzibiza has received death threats. Continuing Reading "Rwanda Revisited"...
Tuesday, April 06, 2004Our, No, Their Man in Port-au-Prince
In its editorial on the drug antics of Haiti's former president (Aristide the Godfather), Le Monde cannot resist taking a potshot at Uncle Sam.
For a long time, the United States closed its eyes, showing consideration for he who had become its man in Port-au-Prince.I have nothing against detractors taking on Washington. However, you might expect the critics to show some consistency rather than double standards. You wouldn't guess it from this extract, but the policies of both America and France are described extensively in the editorial. Yet, America alone bears the brunt of the paper's finger-wagging and head-shaking. Given the French tendency to always laud the ties between France and the francophone countries, isn't it kind of odd that les Français should not make more out of Jean-Bertrand Aristide's ties to Paris? And concerning the cynical "our men in (place)" observation, isn't it strange, also, that the newspaper of reference should adopt a much softer attitude (not to call it entirely conciliatory towards the powers that be in Paris) about, say, France's man in Ivory Coast. (Not to speak of this fellow.)
Free-Marketers Enter Raffarin Government
According to Le Monde's Jean-Baptiste de Montvalon, a number of free-marketers in the Alain Madelin vein have entered the new government of Jean-Pierre Raffarin. (In France, "libéral" means exactly the opposite of "liberal" in the U.S.)
antifascisme oblige
Some time ago, the great Norm pointed out that the higest ranked page on Google under the search "Jew" is an anti-Semitic site. At his suggestion, we are — albeit belatedly — posting a link to another page related to Jews in order to bring this one up to first place (currently 3rd).
Norm is periodically updating his list of "jooglers." On another note: stay tuned to-night for a post on the tenth anniversary of the Rwandan genocide: a round up of lots of information relative to France.
Eutelsat
Eutelsat is a France-based satellite operator with television and radio broadcasting services that span the globe. The French government has become alarmed that the American investment funds, TPG and Spectrum Equity Investors, are increasing their ownership (currently around 10%) of the company. According to Le Figaro, the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs has warned that American funds' control of the European satellite operator would endanger "the continuity and security of public French and European broadcasts."
Eutelsat consists of two divisions: a private company that is responsible for commercial matters and an intergovernmental organization--"Eutelsat IGO"--that assumes a supervisory role. Eutelsat IGO is headquartered in Paris and is composed of 48 member states. One of its missions is to ensure that Eutelsat (the private company) provides pan-European coverage. Further complicating the picture is the fact that Eutelsat has been competing to provide service for Galileo--the European competitor for strategic missile guidance to the US's GPS system. American money in Eutelsat would damage--if not kill--Eutelsat's chances to work on Galileo.
Entente Non-Cordiale
"Less than one [Brit] in 10 (9%) feels an affinity with France compared with 24% who admire America and 25% who cannot get enough of Ireland...Their [the French] net trust rating in Britain is a mere 15% compared with 55% for the Spanish. Our [the British] reputation across the channel is even worse - our net trust rating is just 4%...Mr Chirac outstrips Mr Blair in popularity in Britain. Just over half (51%) of British people have a good opinion of the French president compared with 32% who have a bad view - giving him a net rating of plus 19 points. Mr Blair is on minus 20 points in Britain, though this is much worse than his standing in France where the prime minister is on minus 2 points...If Mr Chirac has developed a fan base in Britain, he is likely to be disturbed to discover that 60% of Britons could not name a single living French person without being prompted."
--via The Guardian and based on a poll of 1,005 British and 811 French adults
Reform Is Perceived as a Universal Threat in France
John Vinocur is back for the second installment of his new Politicus column in the International Herald Tribune. He writes that France and Germany find reform doesn't get any easier.
Is it possible for France and Germany to reform — despite the word's new certification as both terrifying and a vote-loser — and stop what is seen in some places as their decline as poles of allegiance and emulation in Europe?And that, malheureusement, includes the nominatively independent press.
Monday, April 05, 2004Le Monde to Viggo: Make No More Films in the Arabian Desert (Unless It Is an Anti-Bush Political Statement)
Did I leave anything out? The French just can't keep themselves from giving other nationals lessons, especially Americans. Even in their film reviews, they have to vent their sourness. Reviewing Hidalgo for Le Monde, Florence Colombani (who is she? Jean-Marie's daughter? the newspaper director's wife?) writes:
Cruelly deprived of any political message, but filled with clichés (the taste of liberty for the American, perseverance and cunning for the Arabs), Joe Johnston's film would probably have benefitted, in the current context, from taking place in another region of the world.Excuse me? Hollywood should refrain from making movies in (or concerning) the Middle East? Until the last G.I. leaves Iraq? (I suppose because every American citizen should feel a black veil of shame over his or her shoulders? At least until someone lording over them naturally — like Florence Colombani — tells them they have been punished enough and it's alright to lift their heads again.) And Viggo Mortensen and Omar Sharif should refuse to accept a role unless it is to make a political message? Really? Do we have enough things under Florence's control yet? What should the political message have been? I wonder? Oh yes, I get it. The American should have been ashamed of his country and leadership, while someone like a Le Monde journalist or intern should have dazzled everybody with her humanitarianism, her lucidity, her militancy, and her boundless love for equality and human rights. Wow. I can't wait to read the screenplay.
Desde la caverna neoliberal
A warm welcome to readers from la caverna neoliberal, especially to the reader who thinks that the image of Che in our banner is 'cojonuda.' Just a note: s/he says: Me la voy a guardar para ponerla de firma en mis correos adoctrinantes. If you do, please include a link to our blog, muchas gracias.
wtf?
kind of an AFP bulletin is this?
Bourse-Ams Don't be left out From Elinor Cabrera 'VSCUESINUN@aol.com' To Lima 'lima@afp.com' An associate of yours has set
Who to Blame in the Haiti crisis?
Les Américains, bien sûr! (Why do you even bother to ask?) Underneath his How Jean-Bertrand Aristide presided over Haiti's drug traffic, Jean-Michel Caroit has a box entitled In Port-au-Prince, "everybody knew" (scroll to bottom) and ending with what seems to be his answer to the frank speech of a former American ambassador (bold letters throughout in the print version). Good thing, by the way, that French journalists know they're not supposed to allow American officials to get away with any comment, without adding some sort of wry commentary. They didn't do this for Saddam and his henchmen in Iraq, of course, but that's unimportant.
"'Everybody knew about it', a diplomat confirms. Everybody, and first among them, the Americans. Why didn't they use this case against Jean-Bertrand Aristide, as they did against Manuel Noriega, the former Panamian president rotting in a Miami prison since 1989?" Far more important than Haiti's drug trafficking, or its poverty, or any of its other crises, therefore, is the fact that Uncle Sam is greedy, treacherous, hypocritical. Not only in relation to the Caribbean (and Iraq!) today, but also to Central America 15 years ago. Poor Aristide. Poor Noriega. Poor Saddam. Done in by America's greed, treachery, and hypocrisy. Wow. That's good to know. Thanks for telling us that, Le Monde. Again.
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