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Bastille
Day
July 14, 2003
Time to End the Dodginess
Intelligence
Unglued
By VETERAN INTELLIGENCE
PROFESSIONALS FOR SANITY
MEMORANDUM FOR: The President
FROM: Veteran Intelligence Professionals
for Sanity
SUBJECT: Intelligence Unglued
The glue that holds the Intelligence Community
together is melting under the hot lights of an awakened press.
If you do not act quickly, your intelligence capability will
fall apart--with grave consequences for the nation.
The Forgery Flap
By now you are all too familiar with
the play-by-play. The Iraq-seeking-uranium-in-Niger forgery is
a microcosm of a mischievous nexus of overarching problems. Instead
of addressing these problems, your senior staff are alternately
covering up for one another and gently stabbing one another in
the back. CIA Director George Tenet's extracted, unapologetic
apology on July 11 was classic--I confess; she did it.
It is now dawning on our until-now somnolent
press that your national security adviser, Condoleezza Rice,
shepherds the foreign affairs sections of your state-of-the-union
address and that she, not Tenet, is responsible for the forged
information getting into the speech. But the disingenuousness
persists. Surely Dr. Rice cannot persist in her insistence that
she learned only on June 8, 2003 about former ambassador Joseph
Wilson's mission to Niger in February 2002, when he determined
that the Iraq-Niger report was a con-job. Wilson's findings were
duly reported to all concerned in early March 2002. And, if she
somehow missed that report, the New York Times' Nicholas Kristoff
on May 6 recounted chapter and verse on Wilson's mission, and
the story remained the talk of the town in the weeks that followed.
Rice's denials are reminiscent of her
claim in spring 2002 that there was no reporting suggesting that
terrorists were planning to hijack planes and slam them into
buildings. In September, the joint congressional committee on
9/11 came up with a dozen such reports.
Secretary of State Colin Powell's credibility,
too, has taken serious hits as continued non-discoveries of weapons
in Iraq heap doubt on his confident assertions to the UN. Although
he was undoubtedly trying to be helpful in trying to contain
the Iraq-Niger forgery affair, his recent description of your
state-of-the-union words as "not totally outrageous"
was faint praise indeed. And his explanations as to why he made
a point to avoid using the forgery in the way you did was equally
unhelpful.
Whatever Rice's or Powell's credibility,
it is yours that matters. And, in our view, the credibility of
the intelligence community is an inseparably close second. Attempts
to dismiss or cover up the cynical use to which the known forgery
was put have been--well, incredible. The British have a word
for it: "dodgy." You need to put a quick end to the
dodginess, if the country is to have a functioning intelligence
community.
The Vice President's
Role
Attempts at cover up could easily be
seen as comical, were the issue not so serious. Highly revealing
were Ari Fleisher's remarks early last week, which set the tone
for what followed. When asked about the forgery, he noted tellingly--as
if drawing on well memorized talking points--that the Vice President
was not guilty of anything. The disingenuousness was capped on
Friday, when George Tenet did his awkward best to absolve the
Vice President from responsibility.
To those of us who experienced Watergate
these comments had an eerie ring. That affair and others since
have proven that cover-up can assume proportions overshadowing
the crime itself. All the more reason to take early action to
get the truth up and out.
There is just too much evidence that
Ambassador Wilson was sent to Niger at the behest of Vice President
Cheney's office, and that Wilson's findings were duly reported
not only to that office but to others as well.
Equally important, it was Cheney who
launched (in a major speech on August 26, 2002) the concerted
campaign to persuade Congress and the American people that Saddam
Hussein was about to get his hands on nuclear weapons--a campaign
that mushroomed, literally, in early October with you and your
senior advisers raising the specter of a "mushroom cloud"
being the first "smoking gun" we might observe.
That this campaign was based largely
on information known to be forged and that the campaign was used
successfully to frighten our elected representatives in Congress
into voting for war is clear from the bitter protestations of
Rep. Henry Waxman and others. The politically aware recognize
that the same information was used, also successfully, in the
campaign leading up to the mid-term elections--a reality that
breeds a cynicism highly corrosive to our political process.
The fact that the forgery also crept
into your state-of-the-union address pales in significance in
comparison with how it was used to deceive Congress into voting
on October 11 to authorize you to make war on Iraq.
It was a deep insult to the integrity
of the intelligence process that, after the Vice President declared
on August 26, 2002 that "we know that Saddam has resumed
his efforts to acquire nuclear weapons," the National Intelligence
Estimate (NIE) produced during the critical month of September
featured a fraudulent conclusion that "most analysts"
agreed with Cheney's assertion. This may help explain the anomaly
of Cheney's unprecedented "multiple visits" to CIA
headquarters at the time, as well as the many reports that CIA
and other intelligence analysts were feeling extraordinarily
great pressure, accompanied by all manner of intimidation tactics,
to concur in that conclusion. As a coda to his nuclear argument,
Cheney told NBC's Meet the Press three days before US/UK forces
invaded Iraq: "we believe he (Saddam Hussein) has reconstituted
nuclear weapons."
Mr. Russert:
the International Atomic Energy Agency said he dose not have
a nuclear program; we disagree?
Vice President Cheney: I disagree, yes. And you'll find the CIA, for
example, and other key parts of the intelligence community disagree.
We know he has been absolutely devoted to trying to acquire nuclear
weapons. And we believe he has, in fact, reconstituted nuclear
weapons. I think Mr. ElBaradei (Director of the IAEA) frankly
is wrong.
Contrary to what Cheney and the NIE said,
the most knowledgeable analysts--those who know Iraq and nuclear
weapons--judged that the evidence did not support that conclusion.
They now have been proven right.
Adding insult to injury, those chairing
the NIE succumbed to the pressure to adduce the known forgery
as evidence to support the Cheney line, and relegated the strong
dissent of the State Department's Bureau of Intelligence and
Research (and the nuclear engineers in the Department of Energy)
to an inconspicuous footnote.
It is a curious turn of events. The drafters
of the offending sentence on the forgery in president's state-of-the-union
speech say they were working from the NIE. In ordinary circumstances
an NIE would be the preeminently authoritative source to rely
upon; but in this case the NIE itself had already been cooked
to the recipe of high policy.
Joseph Wilson, the former US ambassador
who visited Niger at Cheney's request, enjoys wide respect (including,
like several VIPS members, warm encomia from your father). He
is the consummate diplomat. So highly disturbed is he, however,
at the chicanery he has witnessed that he allowed himself a very
undiplomatic comment to a reporter last week, wondering aloud
"what else they are lying about." Clearly, Wilson has
concluded that the time for diplomatic language has passed. It
is clear that lies were told. Sad to say, it is equally clear
that your vice president led this campaign of deceit.
This was no case of petty corruption
of the kind that forced Vice President Spiro Agnew's resignation.
This was a matter of war and peace. Thousands have died. There
is no end in sight.
Recommendation #1
We recommend that you call an abrupt
halt to attempts to prove Vice President Cheney "not guilty."
His role has been so transparent that such attempts will only
erode further your own credibility. Equally pernicious, from
our perspective, is the likelihood that intelligence analysts
will conclude that the way to success is to acquiesce in the
cooking of their judgments, since those above them will not be
held accountable. We strongly recommend that you ask for Cheney's
immediate resignation.
The Games Congress
Plays
The unedifying dance by the various oversight
committees of the Congress over recent weeks offers proof, if
further proof were needed, that reliance on Congress to investigate
in a non-partisan way is pie in the sky. One need only to recall
that Sen. Pat Roberts, Chair of the Senate Intelligence Committee,
has refused to agree to ask the FBI to investigate the known
forgery. Despite repeated attempts by others on his committee
to get him to bring in the FBI, Roberts has branded such a move
"inappropriate," without spelling out why.
Rep. Porter Goss, head of the House Intelligence
Committee, is a CIA alumnus and a passionate Republican and agency
partisan. Goss was largely responsible for the failure of the
joint congressional committee on 9/11, which he co-chaired last
year. An unusually clear indication of where Goss' loyalties
lie can be seen in his admission that after a leak to the press
last spring he bowed to Cheney's insistence that the FBI be sent
to the Hill to investigate members and staff of the joint committee--an
unprecedented move reflecting blithe disregard for the separation
of powers and a blatant attempt at intimidation. (Congress has
its own capability to investigate such leaks.)
Henry Waxman's recent proposal to create
yet another congressional investigatory committee, patterned
on the latest commission looking into 9/11, likewise holds little
promise. To state the obvious about Congress, politics is the
nature of the beast. We have seen enough congressional inquiries
into the performance of intelligence to conclude that they are
usually as feckless as they are prolonged. And time cannot wait.
As you are aware, Gen. Brent Scowcroft
performed yeoman's service as National Security Adviser to your
father and enjoys very wide respect. There are few, if any, with
his breadth of experience with the issues and the institutions
involved. In addition, he has avoided blind parroting of the
positions of your administration and thus would be seen as relatively
nonpartisan, even though serving at your pleasure. It seems a
stroke of good luck that he now chairs your President's Foreign
Intelligence Advisory Board
Recommendation #2
We repeat, with an additional sense of
urgency, the recommendation in our last memorandum to you (May
1) that you appoint Gen. Brent Scowcroft, Chair of the President's
Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board to head up an independent
investigation into the use/abuse of intelligence on Iraq.
UN Inspectors
Your refusal to allow UN inspectors back
into Iraq has left the international community befuddled. Worse,
it has fed suspicions that the US does not want UN inspectors
in country lest they impede efforts to "plant" some
"weapons of mass destruction" in Iraq, should efforts
to find them continue to fall short. The conventional wisdom
is less conspiratorial but equally unsatisfying. The cognoscenti
in Washington think tanks, for example, attribute your attitude
to "pique."
We find neither the conspiracy nor the
"pique" rationale persuasive. As we have admitted before,
we are at a loss to explain the barring of UN inspectors. Barring
the very people with the international mandate, the unique experience,
and the credibility to undertake a serious search for such weapons
defies logic. UN inspectors know Iraq, know the weaponry in question,
know the Iraqi scientists/engineers who have been involved, know
how the necessary materials are procured and processed; in short,
have precisely the expertise required. The challenge is as daunting
as it is immediate; and, clearly, the US needs all the help it
can get.
The lead Wall Street Journal article
of April 8 had it right: "If the US doesn't make any undisputed
discoveries of forbidden weapons, the failure will feed already-widespread
skepticism abroad about the motives for going to war." As
the events of last week show, that skepticism has now mushroomed
here at home as well.
Recommendation #3
We recommend that you immediately invite
the UN inspectors back into Iraq. This would go a long way toward
refurbishing your credibility. Equally important, it would help
sort out the lessons learned for the intelligence community and
be an invaluable help to an investigation of the kind we have
suggested you direct Gen. Scowcroft to lead.
If Veteran Intelligence Professionals
for Sanity can be of any further help to you in the days ahead,
you need only ask.
Ray Close, Princeton, NJ
David MacMichael, Linden, VA
Raymond McGovern, Arlington, VA
Steering Committee Veteran Intelligence
Professionals for Sanity.
The VIPS can be reached at: mcgovern@counterpunch.org
Weekend Edition Features for July 12/13, 2003
Arthur
Mitzman
The Double Wall Before the Future
Standard
Schaefer
The Coming Financial Reality: an
Interview with Michael Hudson
John Feffer
A Fearful Symmetery: Washington and Pyongyang
Ron
Jacobs
Shades of Gray in Iran
Elaine
Cassel
Judicial Terrorism Against the Bill of Rights
Tom
Stephens
Civil Liberties After 9/11
David Lindorff
New White House Slogan: "Case Closed. Just Move On"
Jason
Leopold
The Mini-War Against Iraq Prior to 9/11
Lee Sustar
What's Behind the Crisis in Liberia?
Mickey
Z.
AIDS Dissent and Africa
Sam Hamod
Semitic is a Language Group, Not a Race or Ethnic Group
Ramzy
Baroud
Awaiting Justice on an Old Blanket
Jeffrey
St. Clair
Savage Incongruities: the Photographic Life of Lee Miller
Adam
Engel
Parable of the Lobbyist
Robert
Sanders
A Review of Ralph Lopez's American Dream
Poets'
Basement
Albert, Witherup, Guthrie
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