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Today's Stories

March 16, 2004

Bill Christison
The Aftershocks from Madrid

 

March 15, 2004

Harry Browne
Terror Nothing New to Europe

Mike Whitney
Justice Not Murder: the Tragic Symmetry of Terrorism

Lidice Valenzuela
Haiti: a Coup without Consultation

Greg Moses
Lessons from the Texas Primaries: Looking for a Coalition with Legs

Mickey Z.
Depraved Indifference: C-Sections, Patriarchy & Women's Health

Asaf Shtull-Trauring
AWOL in New York: From Refusenik to Organizer

CounterPunch Wire
Gen. Gramajo Executed by Bees!

 

March 12 / 14, 2004

Gabriel Kolko
The Coming Elections and the Future of American Global Power

Saul Landau
Oh, Jesus...It's the Movie!

William Blum
Neo-Con(tradictions)

William S. Lind
Why They Throw Rocks

Rahul Mahajan
The Meaning of Madrid: War on "Terrorism" Makes Us All Less Safe

Neve Gordon
Demographic Wars

Kurt Nimmo
Kerry and the Progressive Interventionists

Mickey Z.
The "New" UN Blames the Poor

Mike Whitney
War Games: the American Media Leads the Charge

Helen Scott and Ashley Smith
Aristide's Fall: What Led to the Coup?

Justin E.H. Smith
Loïc Wacquant: Against a Sociodicy of the American Prison

Brandy Baker
Him Again? Al Gore Needs to Move On

Robin Philpot
Nobody Can Call It a "Plane Crash" Now: the Report on the Assassination of Rwandan President Habyarimana

Mokhiber / Weissman
The Meat Monopoly Takes a Rare Pounding

Dave Zirin
She Turned Her Back on the War: an Interview with Toni Smith

Daniel Wolff
The Lord's Pier

 

March 11, 2004

Ron Jacobs
Bedtime for Democracy

Bill Kauffman
Hey, Ralph! Why Not Another Party of the People?

James Hollander
Slaughter in Madrid: Consolidating an Ally?

Norman Solomon
They Shoot Journalists, Don't They?

Patrick Gavin
The Salvation of Dan Quayle: Family Values Return

Becky Burgwin
You're Messing with the Wrong Generation

John Sugg
The FBI is on My Trail

March 10, 2004

Hammond Guthrie
Read This Book!: "Who the Hell is Stew Albert?"

Chris Floyd
Operation Enduring Sweatshop: Another Bush Brings Hell to Haiti

Elizabeth Corrie
Remembering the Death of Rachel Corrie

Mike Whitney
US Press Torpedoes Aristide

M. Junaid Alam
An Anti-Civilizational War?

Bob Feldman
The Occupation of Haiti: Recalling 1915-1934

John L. Hess
An Overload of Crises

Gary Leupp
On Abu Musab al-Zarqawi and the Uses of al-Qaeda "Links"

March 9, 2004

Greg Weiher
The Zarqawi Gambit, Part 2

Ben Tripp
Word Up! Let's Have a Conversation

Tom Barry
Neo-Cons Target Syria

Sharon Smith
The Hypocrites in the Catholic Church

Robert Fisk
The Same Old Iraq

Doug Giebel
The Bush Strategy: Laughing All the Way

Ralph Nader
Pension Rights, the Trail of Broken Promises

Daniel Estulin
In Memory of Ricardo Ortega: a Great Journalist, Killed in Haiti

Dave Lindorff
Martha Stewart's Cloudy Day

Saul Landau
Will the Filthy Rich Dump Bush?

Website of the Day
Imperial Armies in the Garden

 

March 8, 2004

Amy Goodman
An Interview with Aristide

Eric Ruder
An Interview with Robert Fatton on the Coup in Haiti

Robert Jensen
The Presidential Library Terrorist Connection

Mike Whitney
Expel the US from the Security Council

Jason Leopold
How Cheney Helped Cover Up Pakistan's Nuclear Proliferation

Mazin Qumsiyeh
Why is Apartheid Touted as a Solution?

Kevin Alexander Gray
The Legacy of Strom Thurmond

Derek Seidman
Radical Continuity: an Interview with Paul Buhle

Steve Perry
Kerry Fiddles While He Could be Burning Bush

Website of the Day
Patriot Act Game

 

 

March 6 / 7, 2004

Alexander Cockburn
Understanding the World with Paul Sweezy

Robert Pollin
Remembering Paul Sweezy

Jeffrey St. Clair
The Politics of Timber Theft

Tom Reeves
Bush's Mass Deportations: 63,000 and Counting

Charles Lewis
Who Mugged Howard Dean in Iowa: Kerry, Torricelli and a Mysterious Frontgroup

Tom Jackson
My Breakfast with Sen. Judd Gregg

Kurt Nimmo
Is Venezuela Next?

Alan Cisco
A Report from Caracas

Jack Random
Haitian Democracy be Damned

Colin Piquette
Oh, Canada: the Coup Coalition

Lee Sustar
Labor's State of Emergency

William D. Hartung
Iraq and the Costs of War

David Sally
Rebuilding Amérique

Mark Scaramella
When God Mooned Moses: Test Your Bible Knowledge

Mickey Z.
What We Can Learn from Ashcroft's Gallbladder

Ron Jacobs
Politics and Baseball

Dave Zirin
The Longest Jump: the Blackballing of Phil Shinnick

Poets' Basement
John Holt and Larry Kearney

Website of the Weekend
National Day of Action for Rachel Corrie

 

March 5, 2004

Chris Floyd
Uncle Sugar: How the WMD Scam Put Money in Bush Family Pockets

Ron Jacobs
Chaos Reigns: Haiti and Iraq

Lisa Viscidi
Guatemalan Refugees: a Difficult Return

Yves Engler
Canada and the Coup in Haiti

Mike Legro
Those Bush Ads: Some Dead Bodies Are Worth More Than Others

Javier Armas
A Night of Inspiration: Oakland Benefit for Grocery Workers Strike

Bennett Hoffman
"Who Cares About Haiti, Anyway?"

Bill Christison
Faltering Neo-Cons Still Dangerous

Website of the Day
Haiti Support Group

 


March 4, 2004

Diane Christian
Sex and Ideals

Sen. Robert Byrd
Stop the Stonewalling, Mr. President: Fairy Tales, Bush and the 9/11 Commission

Norman Solomon
Assuming the Right to Intervene: The US Press and Haiti

Jack Brown
A Fragrant Saga of Mexico's Greens

Hal Cranmer
The John Kerry Experience

David Lindorff
Greenspan's Pension

Sam Smith
The Election is Over, We Lost

Christopher Brauchli
Goin' to the Chapel: The Gay and the Dead

Brian D. Barry
The "Perfect" World of E-Voting: A Computer Scientist Reports from the Polling Booth

Richard Oxman
Arsonists for Haiti?

Peter Phillips
Haitian Fantasies: Mainstream Media Fails Itself, Again

Tariq Ali
Notes on Anti-Semitism, Zionism and Palestine

Website of the Day
What If Boeing Ads Told the Truth?

 

 

March 3, 2004

Heather Williams / Karl Laraque
Marines Retake Haiti

Jack McCarthy
Guy's Our Guy: "I am the Chief. My Hero is Pinochet."

Robert Sandels
The Purloined Label: The Struggle Over the Havana Club Trademark

Juliana Fredman / James Davis
Israeli Organized Crime

JG
The Yuppie Silence on Haiti

Emilio Sardi
The Colombia/US Free Trade Deal: It's About More Than Trade

Alan Farago
Swimming in Sewage

Mike Whitney
"Blood Will Have Blood": 143 Murdered in Liberated Iraq

CounterPunch Wire
Nader's Legislative Record in the 1960s

Steve Perry
Kerry Advisory: Remember Lena Guerrero

Nelson George/ Marcus Miller
Miles Davis & Hip Hop: a Conversation

Website of the Day
$10,000 Is Yours for the Taking: The USS Liberty Challenge

 

March 2, 2004

William Blum
If Kerry's the Answer, What's the Question?

Conn Hallinan
Haiti: the Dangerous Muddle

JoAnn Wypijewski
The Bravo H-Bomb Test: One WMD They Couldn't Hide

Mike Whitney
Regime Change in Haiti: the Bush Dominos Keep Falling

Ra Ravishankar
Afghanistan, the Liberation That Isn't: an Interview with Mariam from RAWA

Dan Bacher
Merle Haggard & the Politics of Salmon: "Clearcutting is Rape"

Greg Moses
Oscar White

Brandy Baker
Mel Gibson's Minstrelsy Show

Little Tucker Carlson
What I Did on My Vacation

Robert Fisk
All This Talk of Civil War, Now This

Merle Haggard
Kern River

Website of the Day
Rebel Edit

 


March 1, 2004

Alexander Cockburn
Morris Thanks War Criminal in Front of Billions

Richard Oxman
Oscar's Obit: Thanking Bob McNamara

Elaine Cassel
Writing and Reading as "Terrorism"

Mickey Z
Thomas Friedman's Education

Mike Whitney
George Will and Anti-Semitism: a Cul-de-Sac of Prejudice

Heather Williams
Haiti as Target Practice: How the US Press Missed the Story

Cathy Crosson
Chanson d'amour haïtienne

Website of the Day
God Hates Shrimp


February 28 / 29, 2004

Stephen Green
Serving Two Flags: Neo-Cons, Israel and the Bush Team

Gary Leupp
Another Senseless Bush Battle: Defining and Protecting Marriage

William A. Cook
Israel: America's Albatross

Ron Jacobs
Kucinich: Good Fight; Wrong Battlefield

Ben Tripp
A Nosegay of Posies: Queer Weddings at Last!

Leilla Matsui
Dances with Crucifixes

Mike Whitney
Dismantle the Military Goliath

Yoel Marcus
Down and Out in the Hague

Uri Avnery
The Dancing Bear

Linda S. Heard
Britons and Americans Condemned to a Hobson's Choice

Al Krebs
Unmasking a Secret American Empire: Land, Water & Cotton

Stan Cox
Life (Pat. Pend.): Genetic Commandeering

JG
The Haiti Boomerang: "After The Looting & Pillaging, Your Hunger Will Remain"

Rick Giombetti
Censorship at the Seattle P-I on Forced Psychiatry

Keith Hoeller
The Bankruptcy of Mental Health Insurance Parity

Dave Zirin
Colorado Football: Buffalo Swill

NADERAMA

Alan Maass
Nader and the Politics of Lesser Evils

Michael Donnelly
Regime Rotation: Anybody But Bush...Again?

Niranjan Ramakrishnan
Exeunt Serenaders; Enter Nader

Doug Giebel
So Nader's Running? Get Over It

Bruce Jackson
An Open Letter to Naderites

CounterPunch Wire
Stalinists for Kerry! and Other Roars from the Crowd

Poets' Basement
Davies, Scarr, Kearney & Albert

February 27, 2004

Thomas C. Mountain
A White Jesus During Black History Month?

Laura Carlsen
Americans Abroad: Bush is Persona Non Grata

John B. Anderson
Nader's Campaign Brings Back Memories: Creating an Open Electoral Process

Jason Leopold
Spying on Kofi Annan

John Chuckman
Nader, Risk and Hope

Standard Schaefer
An Interview with Michael Hudson on Putin's Russia

Ray McGovern
Punished for Honest Intelligence

Saul Landau
The Haiti Redux

Website of the Day
Bush: Why I'm Running for Re-election

 

February 26, 2004

Brandy Baker
Is Nader on to Something?

Jacques Kinau
AEI to Colombia: "Can't Give You Anything But Guns, Baby"

Norman Solomon
Bugging Kofi Annan: UN Spying and the Evasions of US Journalism

Greg Weiher
A Purloined Letter: the Zarqawi Gambit

Walt Brasch
Janet Jackson, Bush & No. 542: There are No Halftime Shows in War

Shadi Hamid
The Music World Explodes in Anger

Norman Madarasz
As Canadian as Corruption

Chris Floyd
Bullets and Ballots

Virginia Tilly
The Deeper Meaning of the Wall

Amy Goodman / Jeremy Scahill
Haiti's Lawyer Says US is Arming Haiti's Anti-Aristide Paramilitaries

Website of the Day
Clear Channel Sucks

 


February 25, 2004

Dr. Susan Block
Saddam's Sex Therapist and the Rape of Free Speech

Bruce Anderson
Treacherous Bastards: The Greens and the Dems and Nader

Ron Jacobs
Our Power is on the Streets and in Our Hearts

Mike Whitney
Bush and Gay America: the Politics of Duplicity

Sam Husseini
Jesus in 100 Words

John L. Hess
Kick Off or Flub?

Sam Hamod
Bush's Newest Red Herring

Cockburn / St. Clair
Winning with Nader

Website of the Day
VotePact

 

February 24, 2004

Ralph Nader
Why I'm Running for President

Greg Moses
Rally the Mob! Bush, Gay Marriage and the Constitution

Douglas O'Hara
The Merchants of Fear: Smearing Nader

Phillip Cryan
Frozen in Time: The WSJ's Paranoid Lens on Latin America

David Lindorff
John Kerry's China Connection

Jason Leopold
Cheney's Shame: Halliburton Faces New Charges

Gary Younge
Haiti: Throttled by History

Kromm, Masri & Purohit
Why No Democracy in Iraq?

Steve Perry
Tangled Up in Red and Blue: Beware the Electoral College


February 23, 2004

Neve Gordon
Israel's Apartheid Wall on Trial at The Hague

Kurt Nimmo
Richard Perle, Executioner: "Heads Should Roll"

Jonathan Franklin
US Soldier Seeks Refugee Status in Canada

Al Krebs
The Liberal "Intelligentsia" v. Nader

Josh Frank
Nader's Nadir? Not a Chance

Bruce Jackson
Nader, Another View: "He's as Evil as Bush"

Gary Leupp
A Misguided Attack, The Passion, Rabbi Lerner and the Gospels

 

 

 

 

 

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March 16, 2004

Happy Birthday, James Madison!

The Anti-Clerical Father of the Bill of Rights

By LENNI BRENNER

"The establishment of the chaplainship to Congs is a palpable violation of equal rights, as well as of Constitutional principles."

March 16 is the birthday of James Madison (1751-1836), known since his day as "the father of the constitution" for getting it thru the 1787 constitutional convention. He then presented the Bill of Rights to the 1st Congress in 1789.

Whatever our opinion of those documents & the US as it has evolved, he was one of humanity's most important political thinkers, & some of his writings are especially valid today. Indeed, re separation of religion & state, he was so much more progressive than the vast majority of today's US elected officials that, I submit, understanding Madison means becoming an opponent of the Democratic & Republican parties, which proclaim themselves the champions of his constitution but which have repeatedly betrayed his secularism.

As presenter of the Bill of Rights, he is the ultimate authority as to what "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof" means, & the implications of it. Yet, re the general public, he is the least known founding father. Most educated Americans can't recognize his picture & have never read anything by him, beyond his constitutional work which they read in school.

Madison met Thomas Jefferson (1743-1826) in October 1776, when the author of the Declaration of Independence returned to Virginia's House of Delegates. They became lifelong friends. Madison served (1809-17) as Jefferson's successor as President & even succeeded him on the University of Virginia board.

The two were so close ideologically that they have the same qualities & faults. Both were sons of slaveholders. They read Greek & Latin (Madison also knew Hebrew). As youths both were deeply troubled by slavery, but soon realized that they could not abolish it. They compromised with its advocates, but limited it. There was no slavery north of the Ohio River. Import of slaves was banned in 1808. In his retirement, Madison helped found American Colonization Society as a solution to southern slavery.

As the ideological founders of the 1st modern republic, they could not understand the implications of the fact that they compromised with slavery, even if for the most realistic reasons, to maintain its unity. We, after the civil war, understand that, in so doing, they lost the ability to see the implications of their decision, for America or themselves. We read their aged writings about slavery with pity for their inability, as pioneers without a map, to understand the consequences of their accommodation, & foresee the price their society was going to pay for it. Yet their thinking re religion & secularism remained progressive even as their thinking on slavery became vapid.

Explanation for the contrast lies in that they felt that they had remained true to their convictions re separation of religion & state. In their youth, they separated them in Virginia, & in their maturity they thought they did a good job of separating them at the federal level. They made compromises along the way, but persisted and triumphed on most issues. There were no religious tests for government posts. No one was persecuted for religion. Having achieved much, Madison could discuss himself in an unfavorable light compared to Jefferson. President Jefferson would not proclaim Thanksgivings. He felt that the President is not elected as a religious leader. Madison was a war time President. He gave in to Congressional calls for a proclamation, but later realized this was wrong. Indeed, in his retirement he went further than Jefferson.

"Is the appointment of Chaplains to the two Houses of Congress consistent with the Constitution, and with the pure principle of religious freedom? In strictness the answer on both points must be in the negative. The Constitution of the U. S. forbids everything like an establishment of a national religion. The law appointing Chaplains establishes a religious worship for the national representatives, to be performed by Ministers of religion, elected by a majority of them; and these are to be paid out of the national taxes. Does not this involve the principle of a national establishment, applicable to a provision for a religious worship for the Constituent as well as of the representative Body, approved by the majority, and conducted by Ministers of religion paid by the entire nation."

Significant success meant they could acknowledge what still needed to be done. In 1787, Madison wanted the 1st Amendment to apply to the states, but was forced to drop the issue in the interest of getting support for separation at the federal level. Massachusetts didn't fully disestablish religion until 1833. Indeed the 1st Amendment wasn't judicially declared binding on the states until 1925. Still, he had definitely accomplished much re religious freedom, in contrast to his efforts re slavery.

Madison's most important discussion of secularism has a history. In 1856, Congress authorized his friend, William Rives, to prepare his papers for publication. The Detatched (sic) Memoranda was among these. Rives worked on them in his home. Eventually it was misfiled in Rives' personal papers.

The document was recovered in 1946 by Elizabeth Fleet, working on a biography of Rives, & published in the October 1946 issue of The William and Mary Quarterly. There is no doubt of its authenticity. It has been cited by the Supreme Court. As the notepaper has no watermark, Rives dated it as "subsequent to" Madison's "retirement from the presidency in 1817."

It is given here as in the Quarterly. Madison didn't close some parentheses, he abbreviated, used old fashioned spelling, misspelled, etc. The memorandum ends incompletely. I add translations from Latin.

Read it for yourselves. Then scroll Madison up to the present. Imagine what his attitude would be towards religion & politics in our America. Who would he vote for in 2004?

Jefferson & Madison cofounded the 'Republicans', short for democratic republicans. Eventually, in the 1820s, their party became known as the Democrats. The country is dotted with Democratic Party James Madison Clubs. But only a minuscule fraction of party members have read the Detatched Memoranda. So, one good deed deserves another. After you've read it, & asked yourself if he would vote for Kerry in 2004, pass it on to your Democratic liberal friends & ask them the same question: Who would he vote for in 2004?

In 2002, atheist Michael Newdow got the 9th Federal Circuit Court to rule that "under God" in the Pledge of Allegiance was unconstitutional. The Senate promptly voted, 99 to 0, to condemn the decision in a non-binding vote. Guess which Democratic nominee for President was among those 99 powerful intellects?

Democratic & Republican pollsters alike see the election as a competition for the religious vote, particularly white Catholics & Protestants. Bush gets most of their votes, but there are plenty of Democrats among them. To win, Kerry must at least keep Gore's percentage of them.

According to the 2/18/03 Gallup Poll Tuesday Briefing, 95% of Americans believe in God, as do 91% of those defining themselves as liberals. Indeed our Democrats are so pious that, according to Gallup's 2/25/03 Briefing, 67% of them believe in the Devil. Eleven percent aren't sure. Twenty-one percent put him out there with Santa Claus. (79% of Republicans believe in the horned one).

I don't know if Kerry believes in the Devil. But I do know that the party that our realistic liberals proclaim as the lesser evil is full of believers in the devil, which somehow fits perfectly. In any case, don't expect Kerry to publically take alarm at those children of all ages, which is what most readers just did.

Gallup's commentator expressed the concern that cultured people feel about such statistics re the majority of Americans, citizens of the world's oldest democratic republic:

"Over the centuries, science has been able to explain many phenomena that once seemed supernatural. Bad weather, ill health, & heretical opinions may not be the work of the infernal after all. With the advent of evolutionary theory & modern psychology, these days we're more likely to think of people who do terrible things as broken human beings, rather than agents of the netherworld. Furthermore, religion has ceded its civil authority, & religiosity has declined somewhat in American society. So we might expect belief in the devil to have largely evaporated. It hasn't. Regardless of political belief, religious inclination, education, or region, most Americans believe that the devil exists."

Gut basic unreality on the part of most voters is ominous & we must understand it & deal with it, or it will be a miracle equal to any in the Bible if the serious left were to win in this country. And no one understood the danger inherent in the combination of popular lack of serious scientific education & politicians pandering to religious fundamentalism better than James Madison. So, let him speak again to you & thru you to the American people.

==

James Madison, Detatched Memoranda

The danger of silent accumulations & encroachments by Ecclesiastical Bodies have not sufficiently engaged attention in the U.S. They have the noble merit of first unshackling the conscience from persecuting laws, and of establishing among religious Sects a legal equality. If some of the States have not embraced this just and this truly Xn principle in its proper latitude, all of them present examples by which the most enlightened States of the old world may be instructed; and there is one State at least, Virginia, where religious liberty is placed on its true foundation and is defined in its full latitude. The general principle is contained in her declaration of rights, prefixed to her Constitution: but it is unfolded and defined, in its precise extent, in the act of the Legislature, usually named the Religious Bill, which passed into a law in the year 1786. Here the separation between the authority of human laws, and the natural rights of Man excepted from the grant on which all political authority is founded, is traced as distinctly as words can admit, and the limits to this authority established with as much solemnity as the forms of legislation can express. The law has the further advantage of having been the result of a formal appeal to the sense of the Community and a deliberate sanction of a vast majority, comprizing every sect of Christians in the State. This act is a true standard of Religious liberty: its principle the great barrier agst usurpations on the rights of conscience. As long as it is respected & no longer, these will be safe. Every provision for them short of this principle, will be found to leave crevices at least thro' which bigotry may introduce persecution; a monster, that feeding & thriving on its own venom, gradually swells to a size and strength overwhelming all laws divine & human.

Ye States of America, which retain in your Constitutions or Codes, any aberration from the sacred principle of religious liberty, by giving to Caesar what belongs to God, or joining together what God has put asunder, hasten to revise & purify your systems, and make the example of your Country as pure & compleat, in what relates to the freedom of the mind and its allegiance to its maker, as in what belongs to the legitimate objects of political & civil institutions.

Strongly guarded as is the separation between Religion & Govt in the Constitution of the United States the danger of encroachment by Ecclesiastical Bodies, may be illustrated by precedents already furnished in their short history. (See the cases in which negatives were put by J. M. on two bills passd by Congs and his signature withheld from another. See also attempt in Kentucky for example, where it was proposed to exempt Houses of Worship from taxes.

The most notable attempt was that in Virga to establish a Genl assessment for the support of ail Xn sects. This was proposed in the year by P. H. and supported by all his eloquence, aided by the remaining prejudices of the Sect which before the Revolution had been established by law. The progress of the measure was arrested by urging that the respect due to the people required in so extraordinary a case an appeal to their deliberate will. The bill was accordingly printed & published with that view. At the instance of Col: George Nicholas, Col: George Mason & others, the memorial & remonstrance agst it was drawn up, (which see) and printed Copies of it circulated thro' the State, to be signed by the people at large. It met with the approbation of the Baptists, the Presbyterians, the Quakers, and the few Roman Catholics, universally; of the Methodists in part; and even of not a few of the Sect formerly established by law. When the Legislature assembled, the number of Copies & signatures prescribed displayed such an overwhelming opposition of the people, that the proposed plan of a genl assessmt was crushed under it; and advantage taken of the crisis to carry thro' the Legisl: the Bill above referred to, establishing religious liberty. In the course of the opposition to the bill in the House of Delegates, which was warm & strenuous from some of the minority, an experiment was made on the reverence entertained for the name & sanctity of the Saviour, by proposing to insert the words "Jesus Christ" after the words "our lord" in the preamble, the object of which would have been, to imply a restriction of the liberty defined in the Bill, to those professing his religion only. The amendment was discussed, and rejected by a vote of agst (See letter of J. M. to Mr. Jefferson dated ) The opponents of the amendment having turned the feeling as well as judgment of the House agst it, by successfully contending that the better proof of reverence for that holy name wd be not to profane it by making it a topic of legisl. discussion, & particularly by making his religion the means of abridging the natural and equal rights of all men, in defiance of his own declaration that his Kingdom was not of this world. This view of the subject was much enforced by the circumstance that it was espoused by some members who were particularly distinguished by their reputed piety and Christian zeal.

But besides the danger of a direct mixture of Religion & civil Government, there is an evil which ought to be guarded agst in the indefinite accumulation of property from the capacity of holding it in perpetuity by ecclesiastical corporations. The power of all corporations, ought to be limited in this respect. The growing wealth acquired by them never fails to be a source of abuses. A warning on this subject is emphatically given in the example of the various Charitable establishments in G. B. the management of which has been lately scrutinized. The excessive wealth of ecclesiastical Corporations and the misuse of it in many Countries of Europe has Long been a topic of complaint. In some of them the Church has amassed half perhaps the property of the nation. When the reformation took place, an event promoted if not caused, by that disordered state of things, how enormous were the treasures of religious societies, and how gross the corruptions engendered by them; so enormous & so gross as to produce in the Cabinets & Councils of the Protestant states a disregard, of all the pleas of the interested party drawn from the sanctions of the law, and the sacredness of property held in religious trust. The history of England during the period of the reformation offers a sufficient illustration for the present purpose.

Are the U. S. duly awake to the tendency of the precedents they are establishing, in the multiplied incorporations of Religious Congregations with the faculty of acquiring & holding property real as well as personal? Do not many of these acts give this faculty, without limit either as to time or as to amount? And must not bodies, perpetual in their existence, and which may be always gaining without ever losing, speedily gain more than is useful, and in time more than is safe? Are there not already examples in the U. S. of ecclesiastical wealth equally beyond its object and the foresight of those who laid the foundation of it? In the U. S. there is a double motive for fixing limits in this case, because wealth may increase not only from additional gifts, but from exorbitant advances in the value of the primitive one. In grants of vacant lands, and of lands in the vicinity of growing towns & Cities the increase of value is often such as if foreseen, would essentially controul the liberality confirming them. The people of the U. S. owe their Independence &. their liberty, to the wisdom of descrying in the minute tax of 3 pence on tea, the magnitude of the evil comprized in the precedent. Let them exert the same wisdom, in watching agst every evil lurking under plausible disguises, and growing up from small beginnings. Obsta principiis [resist beginnings].

see the Treatise of Father Paul on benificiary matters.

Is the appointment of Chaplains to the two Houses of Congress consistent with the Constitution, and with the pure principle of religious freedom?

In strictness the answer on both points must be in the negative. The Constitution of the U. S. forbids everything like an establishment of a national religion. The law appointing Chaplains establishes a religious worship for the national representatives, to be performed by Ministers of religion, elected by a majority of them; and these are to be paid out of the national taxes. Does not this involve the principle of a national establishment, applicable to a provision for a religious worship for the Constituent as well as of the representative Body, approved by the majority, and conducted by Ministers of religion paid by the entire nation.

The establishment of the chaplainship to Congs is a palpable violation of equal rights, as well as of Constitutional principles: The tenets of the chaplains elected [by the majority] shut the door of worship agst the members whose creeds & consciences forbid a participation in that of the majority. To say nothing of other sects, this is the case with that of Roman Catholics & Quakers who have always had members in one or both of the Legislative branches. Could a Catholic clergyman ever hope to be appointed a Chaplain? To say that his religious principles are obnoxious or that his sect is small, is to lift the evil at once and exhibit in its naked deformity the doctrine that religious truth is to be tested by numbers or that the major sects have a right to govern the minor.

If Religion consist in voluntary acts of individuals, singly, or voluntarily associated, and it be proper that public functionaries, as well as their Constituents shd discharge their religious duties, let them like their Constituents, do so at their own expence. How small a contribution from each member of Cong wd suffice for the purpose? How just wd it be in its principle? How noble in its exemplary sacrifice to the genius of the Constitution; and the divine right of conscience? Why should the expence of a religious worship be allowed for the Legislature, be paid by the public, more than that for the Ex. or Judiciary branch of the Govt

Were the establishment to be tried by its fruits, are not the daily devotions conducted by these legal Ecclesiastics, already degenerating into a scanty attendance, and a tiresome formality?

Rather than let this step beyond the landmarks of power have the effect of a legitimate precedent, it will be better to apply to it the legal aphorism de minimis non curat lex [the law doesn't care about minute things]: or to class it cum "maculis quas aut incuria fudit, aut humana parum cavit natura." [with "the natural negligence which human nature can do very little to guard against"]

Better also to disarm in the same way, the precedent of Chaplainships for the army and navy, than erect them into a political authority in matters of religion. The object of this establishment is seducing; the motive to it is laudable. But is it not safer to adhere to a right pinciple, and trust to its consequences, than confide in the reasoning however specious in favor of a wrong one. Look thro' the armies & navies of the world, and say whether in the appointment of their ministers of religion, the spiritual interest of the flocks or the temporal interest of the Shepherds, be most in view: whether here, as elsewhere the political care of religion is not a nominal more than a real aid. If the spirit of armies be devout, the spirit out of the armies will never be less so; and a failure of religious instruction &, exhortation from a voluntary source within or without, will rarely happen: if such be not the spirit of armies, the official services of their Teachers are not likely to produce it. It is more likely to flow from the labours of a spontaneous zeal. The armies of the Puritans had their appointed Chaplains; but without these there would have been no lack of public devotion in that devout age.

The case of navies with insulated crews may be less within the scope of these reflections. But it is not entirely so. The chance of a devout officer, might be of as much worth to religion, as the service of an ordinary chaplain. [were it admitted that religion has a real interest in the latter.] But we are always to keep in mind that it is safer to trust the consequences of a right principle, than reasonings in support of a bad one.

Religious proclamations by the Executive recommending thanksgivings & fasts are shoots from the same root with the legislative acts reviewed.

Altho' recommendations only, they imply a religious agency, making no part of the trust delegated to political rulers.

The objections to them are 1. that Govts ought not to interpose in relation to those subject to their authority but in cases where they can do it with effect. An advisory Govt is a contradiction in terms. 2. The members of a Govt as such can in no sense, be regarded as possessing an advisory trust from their Constituents in their religious capacities. They cannot form an ecclesiastical Assembly, Convocation, Council, or Synod, and as such issue decrees or injunctions addressed to the faith or the Consciences of the people. In their individual capacities, as distinct from their official station, they might unite in recommendations of any sort whatever, in the same manner as any other individuals might do. But then their recommendations ought to express the true character from which they emanate. 3. They seem to imply and certainly nourish the erronious idea of a national religion. The idea just as it related to the Jewish nation under a theocracy, having been improperly adopted by so many nations which have embraced Xnity, is too apt to lurk in the bosoms even of Americans, who in general are aware of the distinction between religious & political societies. The idea also of a union of all to form one nation under one Govt in acts of devotion to the God of all is an imposing idea. But reason and the principles of the Xn religion require that all the individuals composing a nation even of the same precise creed & wished to unite in a universal act of religion at the same time, the union ought to be effected thro' the intervention of their religious not of their political representatives. In a nation composed of various sects, some alienated widely from others, and where no agreement could take place thro' the former, the interposition of the latter is doubly wrong: 4. The tendency of the practice, to narrow the recommendation to the standard of the predominant sect. The Ist proclamation of Genl Washington dated Jany 1. 1795 (see if this was the 1st) recommending a day of thanksgiving, embraced all who believed in a supreme ruler of the Universe. That of Mr. Adams called for a Xn worship. Many private letters reproached the Proclamations issued by J. M. for using general terms, used in that of Presidt W--n; and some of them for not inserting particulars according with the faith of certain Xn sects. The practice if not strictly guarded naturally terminates in a conformity to the creed of the majority and a single sect, if amounting to a majority. 5. The last & not the least objection is the liability of the practice to a subserviency to political views; to the scandal of religion, as well as the increase of party animosities. Candid or incautious politicians will not always disown such views. In truth it is difficult to frame such a religious Proclamation generally suggested by a political State of things, without referring to them in terms having some bearing on party questions. The Proclamation of Pres: W. which was issued just after the suppression of the Insurrection in Penna and at a time when the public mind was divided on several topics, was so construed by many. Of this the Secretary of State himself, E. Randolph seems to have had an anticipation.

The original draught of that Instrument filed in the Dept. of State (see copies of these papers on the files of J. M.) in the hand writing of Mr Hamilton the Secretary of the Treasury. It appears that several slight alterations only had been made at the suggestion of the Secretary of State; and in a marginal note in his hand, it is remarked that "In short this proclamation ought to savour as much as possible of religion, & not too much of having a political object." In a subjoined note in the hand of Mr. Hamilton, this remark is answered by the counter-remark that "A proclamation of a Government which is a national act, naturally embraces objects which are political" so naturally, is the idea of policy associated with religion, whatever be the mode or the occasion, when a function of the latter is assumed by those in power.

During the administration of Mr Jefferson no religious proclamation was issued. It being understood that his successor was disinclined to such interpositions of the Executive and by some supposed moreover that they might originate with more propriety with the Legislative Body, a resolution was passed requesting him to issue a proclamation. (see the resolution in the Journals of Congress.

It was thought not proper to refuse a compliance altogether; but a form & language were employed, which were meant to deaden as much as possible any claim of political right to enjoin religious observances by resting these expressly on the voluntary compliance of individuals, and even by limiting the recommendation to such as wished simultaneous as well as voluntary performance of a religious act on the occasion.

Lenni Brenner, editor of 51 Documents: Zionist Collaboration with the Nazis, can be reached at BrennerL21@aol.com

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