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Today's Stories

August 27, 2003

Steve Niva
Israel's Assassination Policy: the Trigger for Suicide Bombings?

 

Recent Stories


August 26, 2003

Robert Fisk
Smearing the Dead

David Lindorff
The Great Oil Gouge: Burning Up that Tax Rebate

Sarmad S. Ali
Baghdad is Deadlier Than Ever: the View of an Iraqi Coroner

Christopher Brauchli
Bush Administration Equates Medical Pot Smokers with Segregationists

Juliana Fredman
Collective Punishment on the West Bank: Dialysis, Checkpoints and a Palestinian Madonna

Larry Siems
Ghosts of Regime Changes Past in Guatemala

Elaine Cassel
Onward, Ashcroft Soldiers!

Saul Landau
Bush: a Modern Ahab or a Toy Action Figure?

 


August 25, 2003

Kurt Nimmo
Israeli Outlaws in America

David Bacon
In Iraq, Labor Protest is a Crime

Thomas P. Healy
The Govs Come to Indy: Corps Welcome; Citizens Locked Out

Norman Madarasz
In an Elephant's Whirl: the US/Canada Relationship After the Iraq Invasion

Salvador Peralta
The Politics of Focus Groups

Jack McCarthy
Who Killed Jancita Eagle Deer?

Uri Avnery
A Drug for the Addict

 

August 23/24, 2003

Forrest Hylton
Rumsfeld Does Bogota

Robert Fisk
The Cemetery at Basra

Veteran Intelligence Professionals for Sanity
Insults to Intelligence

Andrew C. Long
Exile on Bliss Street: The Terrorist Threat and the English Professor

Jeremy Bigwood
The Toxic War on Drugs: Monsanto Weedkiller Linked to Powerful Fungus

Jeffrey St. Clair
Forest or Against Us: the Bush Doctor Calls on Oregon

Cynthia McKinney
Bring the Troops Home, Now!

David Krieger
So Many Deaths, So Few Answers: Approaching the Second Anniversary of 9/11

Julie Hilden
A Constitutional Right to be a Human Shield

Dave Lindorff
Marketplace Medicine

Standard Schaefer
Unholy Trinity: Falwell's Anti-Abortion Attack on Health and Free Speech

Catherine Dong
Kucinich and FirstEnergy

José Tirado
History Hurts: Why Let the Dems Repeat It?

Ron Jacobs
Springsteen's America

Gavin Keeney
The Infernal Machine

Adam Engel
A Fan's Notations

William Mandel
Five Great Indie Films

Walt Brasch
An American Frog Fable

Poets' Basement
Reiss, Kearney, Guthrie, Albert and Alam

Website of the Weekend
The Hutton Inquiry

 

August 22, 2003

Carole Harper
Post-Sandinista Nicaragua

John Chuckman
George Will: the Marquis of Mendacity

Richard Thieme
Operation Paperclip Revisited

Chris Floyd
Dubya Indemnity: Bush Barons Beyond the Reach of Law?

Issam Nashashibi
Palestinians and the Right of Return: a Rigged Survey

Mary Walworth
Other People's Kids

Ron Jacobs
The Darkening Tunnel

Website of the Day
Current Energy


August 21, 2003

Robert Fisk
The US Needs to Blame Anyone But Locals for UN Bombing

Virginia Tilley
The Quisling Policies of the UN in Iraq: Toward a Permanent War?

Rep. Henry Waxman
Bush Owes the Public Some Serious Answers on Iraq

Ben Terrall
War Crimes and Punishment in Indonesia: Rapes, Murders and Slaps on the Wrists

Elaine Cassel
Brother John Ashcroft's Traveling Patriot Salvation Show

Christopher Brauchli
Getting Gouged by Banks

Marjorie Cohn
Sergio Vieira de Mello: Victim of Terrorism or US Policy in Iraq?

Vicente Navarro
Media Double Standards: The Case of Mr. Aznar, Friend of Bush

Website of the Day
The Intelligence Squad


August 20, 2003

Robert Fisk
Now No One Is Safe in Iraq

Caoimhe Butterly
Life and Death on the Frontlines of Baghdad

Kurt Nimmo
UN Bombing: Act of Terrorism or Guerrilla War?

Michael Egan
Revisiting the Paranoid Style in the Dark

Ramzi Kysia
Peace is not an Abstract Idea

Steven Higgs
NPR and the NAFTA Highway

John L. Hess
A Downside Day

Edward Said
The Imperial Bluster of Tom Delay

Jason Leopold
Gridlock at Path 15: the California Blackouts were the "Wake Up Call"

Website of the Day
Ashcroft's Patriotic Hype

 

August 19, 2003

Jeffrey St. Clair
Blackouts Happen

Gary Leupp
"Our Patch": Australia v. the Evil Doers of the South Pacific

Sean Donahue
Uribe's Cruel Model: Colombia Moves Toward Totalitarianism

Matt Martin
Bush's Credibility Problem on Missile Defense

Juliana Fredman
Recipe for the Destruction of a Hudna

John Ross
Fox Government's Attack on Mexican Basques

Sasan Fayazmanesh
What Kermit Roosevelt Didn't Say

Website of the Day
Tom Delay's Dual Loyalities

 

August 18, 2003

Uri Avnery
Hero in War and Peace

Stan Goff
The Volunteer Military and the Wicked Adventure

Cathy Breen
Baghdad on the Hudson

Michael Kimaid
Fight the Power (Companies)!

Jason Leopold
The California Rip-Off Revisited: Arnold, Milken and Ken Lay

Matt Siegfried
The Bush Administration in Context

Elaine Cassel
At Last, A Judge Who Acts Like a Judge

Alexander Cockburn
Judy Miller's War

Harvey Wasserman
The Legacy of Blackout Pete Wilson

Website of the Day
Fire Griles!

 

Congratulations to CounterPuncher Gilad Atzmon! BBC Names EXILE Top Jazz CD

 

 

August 16 / 17, 2003

Flavia Alaya
Bastille New Jersey

Jeffrey St. Clair
War Pimps

Saul Landau
The Legacy of Moncada: the Cuban Revolution at 50

Brian Cloughley
What Has Happened to the US Army in Iraq?

William S. Lind
Coffins for the Crews: How Not to Use Light Armored Vehicles

Col. Dan Smith
Time for Straight Talk

Wenonah Hauter
Which Electric System Do We Want?

David Lindorff
Where's Arnold When We Need Him?

Harvey Wasserman
This Grid Should Not Exist

Don Moniak
"Unusual Events" at Nuclear Power Plants: a Timeline for August 14, 2003

David Vest
Rolling Blackout Revue

Merlin Chowkwanyun
An Interview with Sherman Austin

Adam Engel
The Loneliest Number

Poets' Basement
Guthrie, Hamod & Albert

Book of the Weekend
Powerplay by Sharon Beder

 


August 14, 2003

Peter Phillips
Inside Bohemian Grove: Where US Power Elites Party

Brian Cloughley
Charlie Wilson and Pakistan: the Strange Congressman Behind the CIA's Most Expensive War

Linville and Ruder
Tyson Strike Draws the Line

Jim Lobe
Bush Administration Divided Over Iran

Ramzy Baroud
Sharon Freezes the Road Map

Tom Turnipseed
Blowback in Iraq

Gary Leupp
Condi's Speech: From Birgmingham to Baghdad, Imperialism's Freedom Ride

Website of the Day
Tony Benn's Greatest Hits

August 13, 2003

Joanne Mariner
A Wall of Separation Through the Heart

Donald Worster
The Heavy Cost of Empire

Standard Schaefer
Experimental Casinos: DARPA and the War Economy

Elaine Cassel
Murderous Errors: Executing the Innocent

Ralph Nader
Make the Recall Count

Alexander Cockburn
Ted Honderich Hit with "Anti-Semitism" Slur

Website of the Day
Defending Yourself Against DirectTV Lawsuits: 9000 and Counting

 

August 12, 2003

 

Ron Jacobs
Revisionist History: the Bush Administration, Civil Rights and Iraq

Josh Frank
Dean's Constitutional Hang-Up

Wayne Madsen
What's a Fifth Columnist? Well, Someone Like Hitchens

Ray McGovern
Relax, It Was All a Pack of Lies

Wendy Brinker
Hubris in the White House

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Black Mustache

 

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August 27, 2003

An Interview with Tariq Ali

The War is Not Going Well for Bush

By DAVE RILEY

Tariq Ali is an editor of New Left Review and the author of The Clash of Fundamentalisms and the forthcoming, Bush in Babylon.

Riley: How would you contrast the Vietnam anti-war movement of the 1960s with the movement against the US war on Iraq today?

Ali: The anti-war movement of the 1960s was not simply an anti-war movement. It was also a movement that wanted victory for one side, that wanted the Vietnamese to win. So that gave it extra zest. People knew which side they were on. It was ultra-radical for that reason.

The anti-war movement that erupted before the Iraq war was certainly broader and much larger. You can put all the Vietnam demonstrations together and add them up and, globally, it was 100 times larger. But, this was not a movement supporting one side -- because no-one in the anti-war movement supported Saddam Hussein -- it was rather a movement trying to stop a war that many people believed was completely unjustified.

And not just unjustified, but the reasons for it were kept completely hidden from public view by the US and British governments. It wasn't about weapons of mass destruction. It was about capturing an oil-producing country with a regime that was very hostile to Israel, which was giving money to the Palestinians. These were the reasons for that war -- apart from being a way of showing just what imperial power is and what it can do.

People felt they were being lied to. They were not happy about this war. They felt it was irrational. That explains the size of the mobilisations. It brought out large numbers of people who were not usually political.

Riley: Does this indicate that, over the last 30 years, the "Vietnam syndrome" has remained a powerful force?

Ali: The reason why it is such a force is that the Vietnamese people inflicted a defeat on the US. Fifty-thousand US soldiers died in that war. The Americans could not maintain their hold on that country and were forced to withdraw as a result of the combination of Vietnamese military successes and the fact that the anti-war movement had spread into the US army itself. GIs opposed to the war organised large demonstrations of GIs outside the Pentagon and this scared the living daylights out of them.

Riley: How do you assess the receding of the anti-war movement in the period after the invasion of Iraq?

Ali: I think people really believed they could stop the war. And when they found they couldn't, it demoralised large numbers of them. Lots of people have said to me, "What's the point of demonstrating if it changes nothing". I tried to say nicely: "Look, they are going to make this war, and we need to be mobilising once the war starts and once it goes on". But lots of people felt that by demonstrating and by coming out in large numbers they would stop the war.

Riley: If people were saying that troops were withdrawn from Vietnam because of the mass anti-war movement, does that mean that they misread the history of the Vietnam War?

Ali: To say that the US war against Vietnam was bought to an end because of the [Western] anti-war movement is wrong. It was because the Vietnamese people had been resisting three big empires for a long, long time and everyone knew the history of that struggle. Partially, it was bought to an end by the anti-war movement, but what made the anti-war movement happen -- after all it didn't exist as a large movement until the Vietnamese people began to score big victories against the US forces. What made the anti-war movement very big, was that many US people realised the war could not be won.

I think there is demoralisation, but I don't think people should be too demoralised. The war isn't going well for Washington. The US administration thought it would capture Iraq and everyone there would welcome them. That hasn't happened. There is a resistance movement and it is not just made up of the remnants of the Baath Party. There are lots of other people resisting the occupation as well.

The only people capable of stopping the US-led occupation is the resistance in the region.

If this resistance carries on, I think the US will switch its tactics, probably by bringing in blue-helmeted United Nations mercenaries to run Iraq for them. For the US, the main thing in Iraq is to push through the privatisation of Iraq's oil, to achieve the liberalisation of the Iraqi economy and to get the big US corporations in there. They are not too concerned as to how the country will be run, as long as that sort of economic structure is maintained.

Riley: The anti-war movement seems to have led to a crisis in the British Labour Party. How has the anti-war movement impacted on social democracy in Britain and, in particular, the political alignment and views of the population?

Ali: The size and scale of the movement shook everyone, including the Labour Party, and gave lots of Labour MPs courage to come out against the war. This is why Prime Minister Tony Blair started telling more and more lies. Even a number of Blairite MPs have said they would have voted against the war had they known Blair was lying about Baghdad's weapons of mass destruction. I think if 10 more Labour MPs had voted against Blair on the war issue, he would only have stayed in power with Conservative Party votes.

From that point of view, the anti-war movement was effective. But you have to also understand that the British ruling class was divided on this. Half the intelligence agencies weren't convinced of [the need to go to war]. The military itself wasn't particularly convinced. The furore that has surrounded the death of David Kelly, the scientist, is all part and parcel of this.

Kelly told the BBC that the government had grossly exaggerated the threat. For that the government wanted to punish him and drove him to his death. It's as simple as that. So there was division over this war that was not confined to the anti-war movement, but also reached upwards into various strata of British society and this is what is creating the big crisis for the Blair government.

Riley: Is Iraq becoming a "quagmire" for the US?

Ali: I have just finished a book on the history of Iraq, Bush in Babylon, which should be out in September. My thesis is that US President George Bush's administration made a very big mistake with Iraq. Washington thought it was going to be like Kosova in the 1990s, that US troops would be welcomed by sections of the Iraqi population.

Apart from the quislings, no-one welcomed them. Even people who hated Hussein did not want this occupation and are unhappy about it. So the US and British governments have a very real problem on their hands.

There have just been big protest demonstrations in Basra, in southern Iraq, and the British have had to fire rubber bullets just like they did in Ireland. The US troops fire real bullets but the British use rubber bullets. They know what to do because they are more experienced colonialists.

The resistance is attracting people from all over the Arab world.

There are 20 or so different resistance groups which have been set up. The Iraqi Communist Party is not one of them -- it's collaborating in the quisling Governing Council. There are small leftist groups, there are lots of religious groups and lots of non-religious groups -- none of them want the occupation. When you have that degree of hostility it is a real problem for the occupying powers.

There were some quislings who thought that this occupation would be like in Japan or Germany after the Second World War -- where the US rebuilt the country. There's no sign of that in Iraq. What these people forget is that the reason Japan and Germany had to be rebuilt was because of the "Communist threat", because of the existence of the Soviet Union. Now, Washington does not feel threatened.

We are witnessing imperialism in the epoch of neoliberal economics and the "Washington consensus". Why rebuild hospitals and recreate the state health service in Iraq when you are dismantling it in your own countries? There's a big ideological and financial problem for them which is why they are using the corporations.

Riley: What does the Iraq experience suggest for the future of US foreign policy?

Ali: I think Washington has realised that the Iraq operation has not been a success. The Bush gang won't admit it but they know it. The US empire has historically preferred to rule the world indirectly not directly. It tries to find governments that will do its bidding, regardless of whether they are elected or are military dictatorships, like those that have ruled in Latin America and large parts of Asia.

Washington would like to return to that situation, except that now the key criteria of US support is whether these regimes impose neoliberal economics and open the country up to a market economy. So they abandoned Milosevic and Hussein because they wouldn't cooperate in that. Burma is another country on their list, not because it is a military regime -- after all they deal with a military regime in Pakistan endlessly -- but because it is closed to foreign companies.

Riley: Some are suggesting that the US is looking for another military target? Do you think that is a likely scenario?

Ali: Washington's eyes are on Iran. But if it does move on to Iran, it will create a new resistance. The clerics are so hated in Iran -- curiously you'll have more people welcoming US troops than you had in Iraq -- but still it will be a mess and not a pushover. And again they will incite Iranian nationalism.

They will not attack North Korea, precisely because North Korea does have weapons of mass destruction. They have said that if they are attacked they will use them. It may be bluff but it works. The Chinese regime would not accept US intervention in North Korea and would try to stop it, because it would bring US troops right to its borders.

Riley: How do you assess the future of the UN?

Ali: The UN is irrelevant in the sense that it cannot be relied on to do anything against the wishes of the US. What the organisation will be used for is to clean up the empire's mess. It will go in, try and clean up the mess and put a gloss on it -- Kofi Annan will stand up and mutter sweet inanities and people will say: "Oh well, at least this is a step forward. The UN is there. We've got the Americans out."

The UN is an instrument of US foreign policy; when Washington cannot use it in that way, it uses something else. But what the UN cannot be used for is as an instrument against US policy.

Tariq Ali spoke with Socialist Alliance's DAVE RILEY in Brisbane on August 13. This interview originally appeared in Green Left Weekly.

All rights reserved, Green Left Weekly. Redistribution permitted with this notice attached. Redistribution for profit prohibited.


Weekend Edition Features for August 23 / 24, 2003

Forrest Hylton
Rumsfeld Does Bogota

Robert Fisk
The Cemetery at Basra

Veteran Intelligence Professionals for Sanity
Insults to Intelligence

Andrew C. Long
Exile on Bliss Street: The Terrorist Threat and the English Professor

Jeremy Bigwood
The Toxic War on Drugs: Monsanto Weedkiller Linked to Powerful Fungus

Jeffrey St. Clair
Forest or Against Us: the Bush Doctor Calls on Oregon

Cynthia McKinney
Bring the Troops Home, Now!

David Krieger
So Many Deaths, So Few Answers: Approaching the Second Anniversary of 9/11

Julie Hilden
A Constitutional Right to be a Human Shield

Dave Lindorff
Marketplace Medicine

Standard Schaefer
Unholy Trinity: Falwell's Anti-Abortion Attack on Health and Free Speech

Catherine Dong
Kucinich and FirstEnergy

José Tirado
History Hurts: Why Let the Dems Repeat It?

Ron Jacobs
Springsteen's America

Gavin Keeney
The Infernal Machine

Adam Engel
A Fan's Notations

William Mandel
Five Great Indie Films

Walt Brasch
An American Frog Fable

Poets' Basement
Reiss, Kearney, Guthrie, Albert and Alam

Website of the Weekend
The Hutton Inquiry

 

 

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