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Today's Stories

May 22 / 23, 2004

Paul de Rooij
Colin Powell, a Political Obituary

May 21, 2004

Ray Close
The Canards of the Apologists

Christopher Brauchli
"The Object of Torture is Torture"

Amira Hass
Darkness at Noon

Jack McCarthy
Camilo Mejia: Can the Son of a Sandinista Get a Fair Trial from the US Army?

Bill Kauffman
Nader v. Bush

Omar Barghouti
No More Tears for America

Ghali Hassan
Moral Failure of the "Free World" in Gaza

Christopher Reed
How the CIA Taught the Portuguese to Torture

Website of the Day
Eric Idle on the Bush Administration: Fuck You, So Very Much

 

May 20, 2004

Andrew Cockburn
The Truth About Chalabi

Kathy Kelly
A Visit from the FBI

Niranjan Ramakrishnan
Brown and Bored of Education in India

Tom Stephens & John Philo
The War Crimes of Bush, Cheney & Co.

Sam Bahour / Michael Dahan
Genocide by Public Policy

Robert Ovetz
Ending the Race for the Last Turtle

Billy Wilson
The Most Important Thing I Learned at School This Year

Website of the Day
Rafah Today

 

May 19, 2004

Elizabeth W. Corrie
Caterpillar Should Do the Right Thing, Now

Bill and Kathleen Christison
The US Can't Win

Vijay Prashad
For Whom the Polls Toll: the Indian Elections of 2004

Ray Hanania
Israeli War Crimes: Who to Believe, AIPAC or Amnesty Intl.?

Greg Moses
Man President Kisses Up at AIPAC

Michael Gillespie
Who is Kenneth deGraffenried?

Josh Frank
Homes Destroyed; Death Toll Mounts: But Where's John Kerry?

Gary Corseri
Out of Iraq and Plato's Cave

Kevin Alexander Gray
If Malcolm Were Alive

 

 

May 18, 2004

Neve Gordon
The Gaza Debacle

Doug Stokes
Imperial Policing: Why Abu Ghraib Shouldn't Surprise Us

Bob Wing
The Color of Abu Ghraib

Vanessa Jones
Man on a Leash

Thomas P. Healy
Chemical Trespass: the Body Burden

Zeynep Toufe
Torture and Moral Agency: the Soft Bigotry of Low Expectations

Kenneth Roth
Mistreatment of Detainees in US Custody: a Letter to Bush

Elaine Cassel
Pre-empting the Bill of Rights: The Other War, One Year Later

Website of the Day
Truth Against Truth

 

May 17, 2004

Kurt Nimmo
The John-John Ticket: Kerry Woos McCain

Laura Santina
Military Conditioning and Abu Ghraib

Mickey Z.
With Friends Like These: More Election 2004 Madness

Frederick B. Hudson
Police Terror: Three Mothers Search for Justice

Shakirah Esmail-Hudani
Inside Abu Ghraib: the Violence of the Camera

Boris Leonardo Caro
The Revelations of Mr. W.

Alex Dawoody
Iraq: From Saddam to Occupation

Victor Kattan
On Watching the Execution of Nick Berg

Ron Jacobs
Rumsfeld's Sovereignty Shell Game

 

May 15 / 16, 2004

Alexander Cockburn
Green Lights for Torture

Douglas Valentine
ABCs of American Interrogation: Phoenix Program, Revisited

John Stanton
Kings of Pain: UK, US and Israel

Ben Tripp
Torture: a Fond Reminiscence

Brian Cloughley
Where are You Heading, America? Taking a Closer Look at the Patriot Act

Justin E. H. Smith
Islam and Democracy: the Lesson from Turkey

Brandy Baker
Equal Opportunity Torture: Lynddie England, the Right and Feminism

John Chuckman
Peep Show on Capitol Hill: Sex, Lies and Videotape

Bill Glahn
RIAA Watch: Goon Squad

John Holt
Fencing the Sky

Ron Jacobs
The Power of Patti Smith

Brian J. Foley
Why the Outrage Over Abu Ghraib?

Robin Philpot
Re-writing the History of the Rwandan Genocide

Eric Leser
The Carlyle Empire

Ray Hanania
From Abu Ghraib to Nick Berg: There's No Such Thing as a Good War Crime

Jeff Halper
Dozers of Mass Destruction

Joe Surkiewicz
Inside the Baltimore Detention Center

John Whitlow
Iraq Goddamn

Michael Leon
Invitation to a Beheading: Why Bush Should Watch the Berg Video

Poets' Basement
Krieger, Ford, LaMorticella, Smith and Albert

 

 

May 14, 2004

Dr. Susan Block
Bush's POW Porn

Ron Jacobs
Secret History of the War on Drugs

William Blum
God, Country and Torture

Michael Donnelly
The People v. Corporate Greed: A Victory on the North Coast

Niranjan Ramakrishnan
India Shines

Stephen Gowans
Building Democracy in Iraq and Other Absurdities

 

 

May 13, 2004

Dave Lindorff
Where is Kerry?

Colm O'Laithian
Torture and Degradation: Revenge American Style?

Saul Landau and Farrah Hassan
Wal-Mart: Scrooge with Hi-Tech Accounting Practices

Ralph Nader
An Open Letter to Bush on the Inhumane Treatment of Iraqi Prisoners

Willliam James Martin
Deir Yassin Massacre Recalled

Marc Salomon
Reality TV Bites

Forrest Hylton
Law 'n Order in La Paz: All Quiet on the Southern Front?

May 12, 2004

Blanton / Kornbluh
Prisoner Abuse: Cheney Warned in 1992

Virginia Tilley
So, Who's to Blame?

Bruce Jackson
James Inhofe, the Dumbest Senator of Them All

Thomas P. Healy
No Enemies: Making Peace with Bert Sacks

Linda S. Heard
Racism and Ignorance: a Lethal Cocktail in Iraq

Norman Solomon
Spinning Torturegate

Lisa Viscidi
The People's Voice: Community Radio in Guatemala

Jack Heyman
View from the Bay Bridge: Longshoremen Plan Mass Workers March on DC

Niranjan Ramakrishnan
Rummy's Reprieve

CounterPunch Wire
Teamsters Corruption Scandal: Hoffa Exec. Assistant Alleged to Have Quashed Investigation into Mob Influence

Christopher Brauchli
Detention Camp, USA

William S. Lind
Bush's Waterloo?


May 11, 2004

Mark Engler
On the "Necessity" of Torture

Ray McGovern
More Troops? A March of Folly

Kurt Nimmo
Dirty Nukes and Jefferson's Grand Experiment

Mickey Z.
Less Than Hero

Christopher Reed
Torture on the Homefront: America's Long History of Prison Abuse

Dennis Hans
When John Negroponte was Mullah Omar

Bruce Jackson
Pete Seeger at 85

Mike Whitney
Killing al Sadr

Simon Helweg-Larsen
Shrinking the Guatemalan Military

William A. Cook
The Unconscious Country: Righteous Indignation, Nakedly Displayed

 

May 10, 2004

Robert Fisk
From Hollywood to Abu Ghraib: Racism and Torture as Entertainment

Wayne Madsen
The Israeli Torture Template: Rape, Feces and Urine-Soaked Cloth Sacks

Col. Dan Smith
The Shame of Abu Ghraib

Joe Bageant
John Ashcroft, Keep Your Mouth Off My Wife!

Ron Jacobs
Rummy's Prisongate Blues: Don't Leave Mad; Just Leave

Ben Tripp
Getting in Touch with Your Inner Savage

Ray Hanania
Why They Hate Us: Racism, Bigotry and Abuse

Reza Fiyouzat
"
Mishandled" Invasions

Diane Christian
Images & Abstractions & Genitals

Website of the Day
Crushing Iraqi Skulls with Tanks for Sport?

May 8 / 9, 2004

Cockburn / St. Clair
Torture: as American as Apple Pie

Adam Jones
America's Srebrenica: What About the Hundreds of POWs Suffocated and Shot at Kunduz?

Douglas Valentine
Who Let the Dogs Out?: Torture, the CIA and the Press

Kurt Nimmo
Rush Limbaugh and the Babes of Abu Ghraib

Brian Cloughley
Humpty Dumpty is Falling

Lucia Dailey
Forbidden Games

Joanne Mariner
* * * *: Redacting Moussaoui

Mickey Z.
Please Forgive U.S.? (There Are No Innocent Bystanders)

John Chuckman
The Thing with No Brain

Doug Giebel
Someone Knew: There Were No WMDs

Norm Dixon
How the Bush Gang Exploited 9/11

Sam Bahour
A Guiding Light Falls on Ramallah

Susan Davis
Disorderly Conduct as Fine Art

Dave Marsh
In a Pig's Eye: Alan Lomax, Dead But Still Stealing

Laura Flanders
Life with Dick and Lynne

Dave Zirin
Fans Push Spiderman Off Base

Carolyn Baker
Why I Won't Vote in 2004

Prince
"Ain't No Sense in Voting"

Dr. Susan Block
Onan for Two: Liberating Masturbation

Poets' Basement
Smith, Sleeth, Ford, Albert and Saska

 

May 7, 2004

Human Rights Watch
10 Prisons; 9,000 Prisoners: US Detention Facilities in Iraq

Ron Jacobs
UnAmerican? I Wish It Were So

Robert Fisk
An Illegal and Immoral War

Ahmad Faruqui
The 50th Anniversary of Dien Bien Phu

Alexander Zaitchik
From Terrell Unit in Texas to Abu Ghraib: Doesn't It Ring a (Prison) Bell?

Mike Whitney
The Price of Victory

Norman Solomon
This War, Racism and Media Denial

M. Shahid Alam
A Comic Apology

 

May 6, 2004

Jeffrey St. Clair
They Did It for Jessica: Smeared with Shit; Kicked to Death

Kathy Kelly
May Day in Pekin Prison: Prison Labor for the War Machine

Werther
The Sunk Cost Fallacy: War as Vegas Casino Game

Lawrence Ferlinghetti
Totalitarian Democracy

Robert Fisk
"Smoke Him": Video Shows Wounded Men Being Shot by US Helicopter

John Janney
Torturing the Way to Freedom?

Christopher Ketcham
Outlaw Heterosexual Marriage Now!

Alan Farago
Dead Oceans: So Long, Thanks for the Fish

Sam Hamod
Bush on Arab TV: Worthless and Demeaning

James Brooks
Sullen Spring

William S. Lind
On the Brink of Defeat in Iraq

 

 

May 5, 2004

Maj. Gen. Antonio M. Taguba
Complete US Army Report on Abuse of Iraqi Prisoners

Kathleen and Bill Christison
Kerry: a Lost Cause for Progressives?

Will Youmans
Deal with the Devil: a Palestinian Zionist and the End of the World

Patrick B. Barr
Terrorists R Us: the Powerful are Exempt from the Label

Lawrence Magnuson
Nightline's All-American Morgue

Greg Moses
Pocketbook of Denuded Ideals

Niranjan Ramakrishnan
Tormenting Prisoners, Torturing Truth

Lee Ballinger
Cinco de Mayo and Unity

Gilbert Achcar
Bush's Cakewalk into the Iraq Quaqmire

Website of the Day
Operation Phoenix & Iraq

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Weekend Edition
May 22 / 23, 2004

Breaking with the Mythology

Charting a New Course for US Nuclear Policy

By DAVID KRIEGER

"Nuclear weapons give no quarter. Their effects transcend time and place, poisoning the Earth and deforming its inhabitants for generation upon generation. They leave us wholly without defense, expunge all hope for survival. They hold in their sway not just the fate of nations but of civilization."

--General George Lee Butler (USAF, ret.)

"See, free societies...don't develop weapons of mass terror and don't blackmail the world."

--George W. Bush, January 8, 2004

Among the countries that currently possess nuclear weapons (China, France, India, Israel, Pakistan, Russia, United Kingdom, United States and possibly North Korea), the US is the most powerful, economically and militarily. If there is to be movement toward making the world safer from nuclear devastation, the US must lead the way. The US has the power to influence each of these other countries in a way that no other country or international organization could do. US leadership has the potential to bring the threat of future nuclear holocausts under control, and without this leadership the likelihood of future nuclear catastrophes seems virtually assured.

At the 2004 meeting of the countries that are parties to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) to plan for the 2005 NPT Review Conference, the US exerted its leadership not for working towards far saner and safer nuclear policies, including disarmament, but for creating obstacles to progress on achieving a Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty as well as on the other 13 Practical Steps for Nuclear Disarmament agreed to at the 2000 NPT Review Conference. One analyst, Rebecca Johnson, summarized the meeting in this way: "The United States, actively abetted by France and Britain, with the other nuclear weapon states happy to go along, wanted to rewrite the NPT's history by sidelining the 2000 Conference commitments, at which they had made an 'unequivocal undertaking...to accomplish the total elimination of their nuclear arsenals.' A majority of other states, by contrast, wanted the 2005 Review Conference to build on both the groundbreaking agreements from 2000 and the decisions and resolutions from the 1995 Review and Extension Conference."

Current US nuclear policy comes down on the side of an indefinite commitment to nuclear weapons, or a policy of "forever nuclear." Presumably it maintains this policy because its leaders believe that nuclear weapons give the US a military advantage. US leaders are thus placed in the position where they are pursuing policies opposing nuclear weapons for other countries while continuing to rely upon these weapons for themselves. This appears to the world as a "do as I say, not as I do" approach to policy, that is, a policy of nuclear hypocrisy. Such a policy not only makes the United States less secure, but it also undermines respect for the country throughout the world.

The United States is now engaged in researching new and more usable nuclear weapons, Robust Nuclear Earth Penetrators ("bunker busters") and low-yield nuclear weapons ("mini-nukes"). The US is developing contingency plans to use nuclear weapons against seven countries, at least four of which are non-nuclear weapons states. The US has withdrawn from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty in order to pursue missile defenses and space weaponization. Its most recent treaty with Russia, the 2002 Strategic Offensive Reductions Treaty, reduces the number of deployed strategic nuclear weapons to 2,200 by the year 2012, but does not require that any of the weapons taken off deployed status be dismantled. The treaty ends in the year 2012, unless extended. The US is also planning to build a new facility capable of producing some 450 plutonium pits annually for nuclear weapons, or twice that number if the plant is used on a double shift.

When these activities are combined with the vigorous opposition of the US government to commitments to achieving nuclear arms control and disarmament, this paints a picture for the world that the US is unwilling to change the direction on its policy of indefinite reliance on nuclear arms. For those who follow this issue closely, US nuclear policies are a matter of great concern and discouragement.

There are three important questions that deserve our foremost attention. First, what perspectives would underpin a new course for US nuclear policy? Second, what would be the basic contours of a new course for US nuclear policy? Third, what would be needed to achieve this change in course? While there is ample room for debate on the responses to these questions, I offer my own views below as a starting point for discussion.

What perspectives would underpin a new course for US nuclear policy?

The most basic perspective that would underpin a new course for US nuclear policy is that nuclear weapons lessen rather than increase security. The possession of nuclear weapons virtually assures that a country will be a target of nuclear weapons. Further, the more nuclear weapons that exist in the world, the more likely it is that they will proliferate to both state and non-state actors with unforeseeable consequences that only assure that the world will become more dangerous.

A second perspective is that nuclear weapons are in a class by themselves in terms of their destructive potential. It is an oversimplification to lump them together with chemical and biological weapons as weapons of mass destruction because their potential for causing widespread death and destruction is so much greater. Additionally, threatening to use nuclear weapons against chemical and biological weapons stores or perpetrators of chemical or biological attacks provides incentive for other states to develop nuclear arsenals.

A third perspective is that the strengthening of international law and institutions provides a better basis for building security in its many dimensions than the threat of nuclear retaliation. Adherence to international law includes support for: the United Nations and its Charter; the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other human rights agreements; the International Court of Justice, which adjudicates between countries; and the International Criminal Court, which holds individuals accountable for serious crimes under international law.

A fourth perspective relates to the issue of national integrity. The US has made many commitments to fulfill nuclear disarmament obligations, starting with the 1970 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and including the 13 Practical Steps agreed to at the 2000 NPT Review Conference. The US must give up the idea that it can flout, disregard and discard international agreements and commitments with impunity.

A fifth perspective is that US leadership is essential to achieve a world free of nuclear weapons, and that such a world would be more secure for all states, including the US. This perspective is based upon the understanding that there is no other country that could effectively provide this leadership, and so long as the US does not do so it is unlikely that change will occur.

A sixth perspective is that the US must stop seeking to impose double standards akin to nuclear apartheid. US leaders must take responsibility for acting themselves as they desire other countries to act. If the US and other nuclear weapons states continue to ignore their obligations for nuclear disarmament under Article VI of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, other states will undoubtedly follow their lead.

Mohamed ElBaredei, the director general of the International Atomic Energy Agency has argued: "We must abandon the unworkable notion that it is morally reprehensible for some countries to pursue weapons of mass destruction yet morally acceptable for others to rely on them for security - and indeed to continue to refine their capacities and postulate plans for their use." The argument is not for more nuclear weapons states, but for none, and the US must lead in this effort.

Finally, a sense of urgency must accompany the other perspectives. There must be a sense that this issue demands priority among US security objectives and that a continuation of the status quo will undermine US non-proliferation efforts and US security.

What would be the basic contours of a new course for US nuclear policy?

There are many forms and timeframes that a new US nuclear policy could take. Most important, however, must be a commitment to achieve the multilateral phased elimination of nuclear weapons within a reasonable timeframe and the further commitment to provide leadership toward that goal. The US will have to demonstrate by its actions, not only its words, that it is committed to this goal.

The US must use its convening power to bring all nuclear weapons states together to the negotiating table to negotiate a Nuclear Weapons Convention. This would be consistent with the unanimous conclusion of the International Court of Justice in its 1996 Advisory Opinion on the Illegality of Nuclear Weapons: "There exists an obligation to pursue in good faith and bring to a conclusion negotiations leading to nuclear disarmament in all its aspects under strict and effective international control."

In terms of a timeframe, one proposal, put forward by the Mayors for Peace Emergency Campaign to Ban Nuclear Weapons, calls for starting negotiations on a treaty to ban nuclear weapons in 2005, the completion of negotiations by 2010, and the elimination of all nuclear weapons by the year 2020. The exact date of completing the process of nuclear disarmament may be less important than the demonstration of political will to achieve the goal combined with substantial steps toward the goal. It is clear that the world will become far safer from nuclear catastrophe when there are a few tens of nuclear weapons rather than tens of thousands.

The US must forego provocative policies in nuclear weapons research and development leading to new and more usable nuclear weapons ("bunker busters" and "mini-nukes"). It must also stop working toward reducing the time needed to resume nuclear testing; and cease planning to create a facility to produce plutonium pits for large numbers of new or refurbished nuclear warheads.

The US will need to reevaluate building defensive missile systems and weaponizing outer space, both projects that stimulate offensive nuclear responses.

The US will have to make its nuclear reduction commitments irreversible by dismantling the weapons taken off active deployment.

Finally, the US must give assurances to other countries that it is not relying upon its nuclear weapons for use in warfare. Such assurances could take the form of legally binding negative security assurances (the US will not use nuclear weapons against a non-nuclear weapons state) and an agreement to No First Use against other nuclear weapons states, as well as taking its arsenal off hair-trigger alert.

What would be needed to achieve this change in course in US nuclear policy?

It is unlikely that US leaders will come to the conclusion of their own accord that it is necessary to chart a new course in US nuclear policy. They need serious prompting, both from American citizens and from the rest of the world. Other countries have been trying to influence the US government on this issue throughout the post-Cold War period to little avail. While other countries should certainly continue in this pursuit, the burden of responsibility for changing the course of US nuclear policy remains primarily with US citizens. It is an awesome responsibility, one on which the future of the world depends.

A massive education and advocacy program is needed in the United States to mobilize widespread support for a new course in US nuclear policy. It will require resources, professionalism and persistence. The issue must be framed in a way that US citizens can grasp its importance and raise it to a high level in their hierarchy of policy priorities. The messages must be simple, clear and compelling. It is a challenge that demands our best thinking and organized action. It will require the wedding of old fashioned policy promotion with new technologies such as the internet. It will also require greater cooperation among advocacy groups and creativity in expanding the base of involvement by individuals and civil society groups that care not only about peace and disarmament, but also about the environment, human rights, health care and many other issue areas.

Conclusion

It would be tragic beyond reckoning for US leaders to arrive at an understanding of the need for a new course in US nuclear policy only after nuclear weapons are again used. The US remains the only country to have used nuclear weapons, a historical occurrence that is largely mythologized as beneficial in the context of ending the war against Japan. We must break through this mythology to realize that, as humans, we are all survivors of past atomic bombings and all potential victims of future atomic bombings.

We are challenged to do something that has never been fully done before: to eliminate a type of weapon that may appear to its possessors as providing political or military advantage. If we can help citizens and leaders alike to use their imaginations to project the likelihood and consequences of the further use of these weapons, we may be able to navigate a new course in US nuclear policy, leading to the control and elimination of these weapons. We must engage this issue as if our very future and that of our children and grandchildren depended upon it. It does.

David Krieger is president of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation.



Weekend Edition Features for May 15 / 16, 2004

Alexander Cockburn
Green Lights for Torture

Douglas Valentine
ABCs of American Interrogation: Phoenix Program, Revisited

John Stanton
Kings of Pain: UK, US and Israel

Ben Tripp
Torture: a Fond Reminiscence

Brian Cloughley
Where are You Heading, America? Taking a Closer Look at the Patriot Act

Justin E. H. Smith
Islam and Democracy: the Lesson from Turkey

Brandy Baker
Equal Opportunity Torture: Lynddie England, the Right and Feminism

John Chuckman
Peep Show on Capitol Hill: Sex, Lies and Videotape

Bill Glahn
RIAA Watch: Goon Squad

John Holt
Fencing the Sky

Ron Jacobs
The Power of Patti Smith

Brian J. Foley
Why the Outrage Over Abu Ghraib?

Robin Philpot
Re-writing the History of the Rwandan Genocide

Eric Leser
The Carlyle Empire

Ray Hanania
From Abu Ghraib to Nick Berg: There's No Such Thing as a Good War Crime

Jeff Halper
Dozers of Mass Destruction

Joe Surkiewicz
Inside the Baltimore Detention Center

John Whitlow
Iraq Goddamn

Michael Leon
Invitation to a Beheading: Why Bush Should Watch the Berg Video

Poets' Basement
Krieger, Ford, LaMorticella, Smith and Albert

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