Wall Street Journal’s Janet Adamy and Jonathan Weisman offer some specific insights into why health insurers have been so heavily funding Republicans this election cycle and what they’re hoping to buy with the increased contributions:
Insurers want to reverse tax increases and loosen restrictions on insurance premiums, and several groups hope to tack on medical malpractice protections. [...]
The insurance industry is working to persuade the next Congress to roll back a roughly $70 billion tax on insurance companies that takes effect in 2014, saying it will disproportionately hit small businesses that insure their workers. It also wants lawmakers to allow insurers to widen the rating bands that dictate how much more insurers can charge older customers.
Insurers also want to tackle the growth of health costs by enacting a new measure to give robust protections against medical malpractice lawsuits to doctors who follow certain “best practice” guidelines, said Karen Ignagni, the insurance industry’s top lobbyist.
“We always reach out to both sides of the political aisle and we’ll continue doing that because we have had concerns,” said Ms. Ignagni, president of America’s Health Insurance Plans. She said her group would be most focused on parts of the bill that it believes fail to lower the growth of health costs.
Recently, Ignagni also hinted that she would like to see Congress soften the employer responsibility provisions in the law, since the penalties could some employers to drop their existing employer-based coverage and send their workers into better regulated plans within the exchanges.
Of course, other sectors of the health industry — many of which cooperated with Democrats to pass reform — are also trying to weaken the law’s most important cost containment mechanism: The Independent Payment Advisory Board (IPAB). The American Hospital Association (AHA) and drug makers have their sights set on the board, which will begin recommending cuts to reduce the per-capita rate of growth in Medicare spending.
But some of the groups that cooperated with Democrats may have trouble influencing the expected Republican majority, the Washington Post reports. “Some businesses joined in on the hang-me-last strategy,” said Rep. Peter Roskam (R-Ill). “I think upon reflection, in moments of candor, they may say they were foolish to do that.” House Minority Leader John Boehner (R-OH), for instance, blasted PhRMA for cooperating with Democrats on reform and the group has been trying to patch up relations ever since.
If the Republicans win the House of Representatives tonight, as many predict they will, Rep. Lamar Smith (R-TX) is set to be the next head of the House Judiciary Committee which oversees all immigration issues. Described as a lawmaker who is “less interested in getting in the spotlight and more interested in driving immigrants out of the country,” Smith will undoubtedly use his leadership position to push through his anti-immigrant agenda. Though Smith has declined to comment on his plans if he becomes chairman, a look at a few of the bills he has supported over the past several years paints a pretty clear picture:
Arizona-Style Immigration Enforcement: Earlier this year, Smith sponsored H.R.4471, a bill “expressing the sense of the House of Representatives” that local governments, and State and local police “have the inherent authority of a sovereign entity” to essentially enforce federal immigration laws. Smith’s legislation seeks to clarify the ambiguity concerning Congress’ intent on inherent authority in a way that would invalidate the argument that Arizona’s immigration law is preempted by federal law.
Ending Birthright Citizenship: Smith has been credited by his supporters with “lead[ing[] the charge behind H.R. 1868, the Birthright Citizenship Act of 2009.” In August, Smith explained “We do not need to amend the Constitution to end birthright citizenship.” “I think if Congress simply passes a law saying that the United States should do what every other industrialized nation in the world does…and that is, require at least one parent to be in the country legally, that we can do it by statute,” he explained — which is exactly what H.R. 1868 aims to do.
Mandatory E-Verify: H. RES. 1026, a piece of legislation co-sponsered by Smith, aims to make the voluntary federal electronic employment verification system — E-verify — mandatory. Both sides of the aisle tend to agree that such a program is necessary, however, its alarming error-rate has given many lawmakers pause. According to Westat, a research company that evaluated the program for the Department of Homeland Security, E-Verify fails to flag undocumented workers 54% of the time. Meanwhile, in 2008, the Human Resource Initiative for a Legal Workforce found that “[i]f all U.S. employers were to use the system, as many as six million U.S. citizens and legal residents could be denied employment due to bureaucratic error.”
HALT Act: There is also a rumor on right-wing websites that Smith is interested in introducing a bill called the “HALT Act” which is supposedly “designed to prevent President Obama and his administration from granting de facto amnesties.” The Obama administration isn’t poised to grant any “de-facto amnesties.” However, the New York Times did report that while deporting “a record number of immigrants convicted of crimes,” the Department of Homeland Security “is sparing one group of illegal immigrants from expulsion: students who came to the United States without papers when they were children.” That’s largely because Republicans have blocked the DREAM Act — a piece of legislation which would legalize undocumented youth through the legislative process. The majority of the American people support the DREAM Act. Yet Smith called it a “dual assault on law-abiding, taxpaying American citizens and legal immigrants.”
Smith isn’t the only Republican to worry about when it comes to immigration. Rep. Steve King (R-IA) would head the House Judiciary’s Subcommittee on Immigration, Citizenship, Refugees, Border Security, and International Law. Unlike Smith, King hasn’t held back from sharing his plans: “A birthright citizenship bill, legislation to reaffirm states’ right to enact Arizona-like immigration laws, a bill to take away deductions from employers who pay illegal immigrants and legislation to crack down on cities that don’t go after illegal residents.”
During floor debate over the Dodd-Frank financial reform legislation, Republicans continually professed outrage that Democrats and the Obama administration pushed remaking the government sponsored mortgage enterprises (GSE’s) — Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac — to a later date. Delay made sense at the time, given the scope of the reform the GSE’s need, and now that they’re poised to take over the House of Representatives, Republicans are gearing up to tackle Fannie and Freddie.
When it comes to mortgage finance reform, many Republicans favor what American Banker called “pristine privatization,” or a system with literally no public mortgage support. Senate Banking Committee ranking member Richard Shelby (R-AL) has said he is “very skeptical” of preserving any federal role in mortgage finance, while many Republicans in the Senate favored a hugely irresponsible plan proposed by Sen. John McCain (R-AZ) that would have ended federal involvement in the mortgage market on a date certain. House Republicans have introduced legislation in the same vein.
But as David Min, associate director of financial markets policy at the Center for American Progress, wrote in The Hill today, we already know what this vision for the mortgage market looks like. Min noted that “prior to the 1930s, the United States had a purely private mortgage system in which the government played only a negligible role. This system failed the vast majority of Americans, as mortgages were extremely limited and hugely expensive, and only available to the wealthiest homebuyers”:
Residential mortgages prior to the 1930s had many of the same features as the unregulated subprime and so called Alt-A mortgages of the 2000s — they were short term, carried a variable rate of interest, and featured “bullet” payments of principal at term. These loans also required high down payments, often more than 50 percent, and despite their highly lender-friendly features had interest rates that were extraordinarily costly by today’s standards. Because home mortgages were scarce, expensive, high risk, and effectively limited to a narrow band of the wealthiest Americans, homeownership was far less attainable than it is today, with the middle class effectively shut out of the market.
And this system didn’t work for banks either, as extreme boom-and-bust cycles in an unregulated system regularly led to bank failures.
No one — even the housing guru Republicans love to hate, Rep. Barney Frank (D-MA) — is suggesting that Fannie and Freddie be preserved exactly as they are. But removing all government support for the mortgage market would take us back to an era when only the very wealthy had access to homeownership, while kicking the legs out from underneath the GSE’s at a time when they’re supporting 90 percent of the mortgage market.
Former Wisconsin Governor Tommy Thompson (R) joined outgoing Sen. Judd Gregg (R-NH) today in calling on Republicans not to repeal the entirety of the Affordable Care Act. During an appearance on CNBC this morning, Thompson — who also served as President Bush’s Health and Human Services Secretary — insisted that Republicans wouldn’t have enough votes on to override a veto of a repeal bill and suggested that the party should give the law a chance to be implemented:
THOMPSON: When it’s all said and done, you’re not going to be able to repeal health care because President Obama is not going to sign it. And they don’t have enough votes to override a veto, so why push a cart uphill when you know it’s not going to be able to get to the top? [...]
There is no question that people are very frustrated with health care, but I think the problem is, health care is still being written. There is so much that the Secretary of Health and Human Services, Kathleen Sebelius, has got to put together in the rules that most people are just bewildered by the magnitude of health care and how it’s going to play out. And so I think it’s going to be difficult, really to point at any particular thing except the $600, some of the questionable things, cut backs in Medicare Advantage that people are going to be addressing. But the overall health care is going to have take a wait-and-see attitude before all the rules are done and drafted and that’s going to take a lot of months of drafting and hearings and so on, so more of the health care care process is going to be taking place in the administrative side of government rather than in the legislative way.
Watch it:
Thompson also said he believed the economy, not health care reform, was on top of voters’ minds. This sentiment strongly echoes the comments of Gregg and other party elders, like former RNC Chairman Ed Gillespie, who have cautioned the GOP against over-reaching to appease its Tea Party base if it regains power. (H/T: The Hill’s Mike Lillis)
Anticipating an even less cooperative U.S. Congress after today, former Middle East peace negotiator Aaron David Miller warns President Obama against going big on foreign policy:
Obama’s real problem is this: Unlike Wilson and other consequential foreign-policy presidents, he lacks ready-made or even easily manufactured opportunities abroad. The world the president inherited, at least in the Middle East and South Asia, isn’t defined by the promise of stunningly conclusive U.S. military victories or decisive conflict-ending agreements; instead of black and white, the United States confronts the world of gray — extractive and corrupt allies, determined and often undefined enemies, asymmetrical conflicts, and failed or failing states. There are no heroes, breakthroughs, or definitive outcomes to much of anything here. [...]
If he’s smart on this one (and I think he is), the president will keep his head, his rhetoric, and his ambitions small. He isn’t going to find much solace and refuge in the world of Hamid Karzai, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, or Hamas and Hezbollah. He can’t (and won’t) withdraw from this world, but he now also knows he can’t remake it either. Gone are the transformational ambitions of nation-building, grand bargains, and comprehensive peace. What’s left are more in the way of downsized transactions: managing, not resolving conflict; contracting, not expanding the U.S. role in them; and just plain getting by, or in the case of Afghanistan and Iraq, getting out.
“The United States confronts the world of gray” not characterized by “definitive outcomes” — when wasn’t it ever thus? The idea that the world is neatly divided into a Good team and a Bad team, and that the United States has some kind of supernatural power to determine final outcomes between them, was a key misconception of the Bush administration, which led it to throw the ultimate foreign policy “hail Mary” pass — the invasion of Iraq. The lion’s share of President Obama’s foreign policy these last two years has been dedicated to regaining lost yardage — keeping the Iraq withdrawal on track, bringing some measure of clarity to the Afghanistan mission, and fashioning what is probably the first actual comprehensive U.S.-Iran policy since the Islamic revolution.
I don’t necessarily disagree with Miller’s call for us to lower our foreign policy expectations, I actually find it refreshing, but I’m not sure if it’s wise for the president to dial down his agenda across the board. While a responsible progressive foreign policy approach is one that recognizes the U.S.’s unique leadership role while being realistic about what U.S. power and influence can actually achieve, the fact is that Obama has to deal with reality as he finds it, and the reality in the Middle East is a deteriorating status quo in Israel-Palestine, with Israel ever more deeply embedding itself in the West Bank, the Palestinians increasingly divided and its leadership losing credibility, and the de facto one-state solution standing on the verge of getting de jure. It’s understandable that, having dedicated so much of his career to a thus far failed enterprise, Miller is deeply pessimistic about what is possible, but the idea that we can just shelve the peace process for now and come back to it later is actually the least realistic option.
That aside, I agree that the thing isn’t for Obama to go for big wins, at least not within the creaking and ultimately unsustainable current framework of U.S. power in the Middle East. One of his goals should be to fundamentally rethink that framework. I’m not suggesting that the U.S. should withdraw from the Middle East — I don’t think that’s either realistic or desirable — but I would like to see us begin to critically examine the security architecture within which the U.S. operates there. Do the alliances we’ve created with authoritarian and intransigent Middle East governments really make sense anymore? Is there an alternative to another few decades of just reacting to and managing various crises as they arise? Is there a way for the U.S. to exert influence and exercise leadership that doesn’t mainly involve stationing troops all over the place? Focusing his administration, and, by extension, the larger foreign policy establishment, on these questions is one of the best things Obama could do, and he doesn’t need Joe Lieberman or John Boehner’s permission to do it.
The Hill’s Mike Lillis reports that “Rand Paul, the GOP’s Senate hopeful in Kentucky, wants to eliminate the power of White House officials to create rules unilaterally — a change that would have an enormous impact on a healthcare reform law that punts hundreds (if not thousands) of decisions to the Health and Human Services Department.” Here he is on CNN’s American Morning making the case for changing the rule-making process:
PAUL: And really, we need to do a lot of structural things. For example, we have bureaucrats now writing laws. I think we should sunset all regulations unless they’re approved by Congress. That doesn’t mean we won’t have regulations, it just means that Congress should be approving the regulations and you shouldn’t have unelected bureaucrats making regulations.
Watch it:
Significantly, along with de-funding and repealing the Affordable Care Act, a growing number of Republicans have publicly endorsed weakening HHS’ rule-making authority as a means of slowing down implementation of the law.
In September, GOP Senators began to speak out against regulations on the Senate floor, claiming that “there will be 100 pages of regulation for each page of that bill.” “There are 2,700 pages in that bill. That means there are going to be 270,000 pages of regulation,” Sen. Mike Enzi (R-WI) said. Sen. John McCain (R-AZ) came up with a different estimate, projecting that there would be 121 pages of regulation for every 2 pages in the bill.
Moreover, last month, Republicans on the House Energy and Commerce Committee wrote a letter to HHS Secretary Kathleen Sebelius questioning why the department exempted certain businesses from regulations and Sen. John Cornyn (R-TX) introduced legislation forcing HHS to consider public comments for all new regulations. He offered the bill after a Congressional Research Service report he requested found that “of the 12 reform-related final rules issued this year by the Health and Human Services (HHS) Department, 10 came in the form of ‘interim final rules,’ which don’t include a public comment period.”
Indiana Governor Mitch Daniels also floated the idea of placing a moratorium on new regulations during an appearance on CNBC yesterday. “There’s several hundred new rule making coming from the financial and health care bills,” he said. “Nobody knows whats in them. You wonder why people are not taking risk with their money right now, that’s the big reason why.”
I’ve been following various Republican members of the House Financial Services Committee as, in anticipation of the GOP gaining control of the lower chamber, they promise to repeal or defund important provisions in the Dodd-Frank financial reform bill. And if his recent interviews are any indication, these representatives may have a sympathetic counterpart in Rand Paul, Kentucky’s Republican Senate nominee.
Last night, during an interview with CNBC’s Larry Kudlow, Paul asserted that his plan for growing the economy and creating jobs is to prevent some of Dodd-Frank’s regulations from coming online:
KUDLOW: In your campaign, what are your proposals to grow the economy and get jobs?
PAUL: Well, my biggest concern right now, and I think it’s not being talked about enough, was the banking regulatory bill…My fear is that a bad recession could turn into a worse recession because of overzealous regulations on banks.
On CNN this morning, Paul reiterated his concern with Dodd-Frank, saying “we need to repeal the things that are preventing us from getting out of this recession.” Watch a compilation:
Contrary to Paul’s assertion, businesses large and small are having trouble accessing loans because the economy is weak and banks are holding onto money (much like large corporations are). Lifting regulations is not going to suddenly make them feel that economic conditions merit making loans, but it would free them up to reengage in some of the risky practices that led to the financial meltdown.
Of course, this fits in with Paul’s wider corporatist agenda, in which businesses could discriminate against customers because of their skin color and safety regulations for workers would cease to exist. But if he winds up in the Senate, Paul will be joined in his push for repeal by Sens. Richard Shelby (R-AL), Tom Coburn (R-OK), and Saxby Chambliss (R-GA). Washington’s Republican Senate nominee Dino Rossi has also said that he would like to see Dodd-Frank repealed. Paul is taking it further, though, claiming that the number one thing that the government can do to create jobs is to encourage Wall Street to go back to running wild.
Regulators are already designing some of the much needed rules to govern Wall Street — particularly those having to do with derivatives and the Volcker rule — and Republicans have made clear they want to throw sand into the regulators’ gears (as any repeal effort will in all likelihood be vetoed by President Obama), burying them in paperwork and hearing appearances that take time away from the rule-writing effort. And it seems that Paul would be all too happy to join in that game.
Sarah Palin hit back at former RNC Chairman Ed Gillespie this morning after he suggested that Republicans should approach their governing strategy “with great care” and only “try to repeal those parts of the health care reform bill, the Obamacare bill, that have caused premiums to go up, shifted people out of the insurance they like, into a public plan.”
Appearing on Laura Ingraham’s radio show, Palin called Gillespie’s comment “out of touch,” and insisted that Americans didn’t want health care reform “to start with”:
PALIN: No, no, see how out of touch even a comment, an idea like that is? No! What Americans are saying is, Obamacare, for instance, the mother of all unfunded mandates. We didn’t want it to start with, we knew we couldn’t afford it. Nobody would ever explain how in the world we would pay for this $3 trillion boondoggle when there are better, more sensible reforms for health care that, of course can be provided the problem and we can find some solutions that way. But instead no, now people are talking about already, ‘well, let’s just compromise on some of it, and some provisions can be repealed or reformed.’ No! Repeal the whole thing, replace it with market based, free-market based patient-centered reform that Republicans tried to get Obama to listen to.
Listen to a compilation:
“Anyone in the GOP who thinks they can cut a little deal here, there with Obama or Pelosi, to maybe raise taxes, tax here, they’re going to find themselves without a job in 2012. We gotta remind these folks, in the next couple of years, we put you in, we can take you out,” Palin added.
The rift between Gillespie and Palin only highlights the growing chasm between the current Republican leadership and so-called repeal purists like Rep. Steve King (R-IA). King and other repeal-it-all conservatives believe that leadership has been slow to embrace repeal and have become frustrated with the “replace it” strategy offered in the House GOP’s Pledge to America. “It’s going slow because there are Republicans who are arguing they don’t want to have to be opposed to every component of ObamaCare,” King has said of the “replace” it tactic. “They want to nuance this a little bit. And whenever you get nuance, you get divided by the enemy. And they scatter you across the battlefield and take you apart.” “If we can’t come to that conclusion, then I want some new people to come help me,” he added.
Similarly, Red States’ Eric Erickson complained that Boehner and Cantor “want to bully Republican House members into signing [a repeal and replace] petition and undercut the repeal effort with a ‘replace and replace with lame legislation’ effort. In effect, this undercuts a unified repeal effort and muddies the waters.”
If Republicans gain a majority in today’s election, Rep. Paul Ryan (R-WI) is in line to take over the gavel of the House Budget Committee. Earlier this year, Republicans were loathe to associate themselves with Ryan’s Roadmap for America’s Future — a plan that purports to balance the budget by slashing entitlement spending — with House Minority Leader John Boehner (R-OH) pointedly refusing to endorse it.
However, on Fox Business yesterday, Rep. Spencer Bachus (R-AL), who is slated to become chairman of the House Financial Services Committee should the GOP take the House, threw his endorsement to Ryan’s plan. Bachus made it clear, though, that he has no idea what the plan actually means, as he ludicrously asserted that it doesn’t entail any benefit cuts:
I endorse Paul Ryan’s budget proposal, which will slow the federal government to 19 percent of our GDP, which is really high by historic channels. And he doesn’t cut any benefits to do that. He gradually raises the retirement age, not for those who are approaching retirement now, and simply gets a handle on accountability. You don’t really have to cut.
Watch it:
Leaving aside the simple matter that raising the retirement age is a benefit cut, Bachus seems to have no grasp at all on what Ryan’s radical Roadmap for America’s Future would mean for the entitlement programs. First, Social Security:
The Ryan plan proposes large cuts in Social Security benefits — roughly 16 percent for the average new retiree in 2050 and 28 percent in 2080 from price indexing alone — and initially diverts most of these savings to help fund private accounts rather than to restore Social Security solvency. Because the plan would divert large sums from Social Security to private accounts, it would leave the program facing insolvency in about 30 years, just as under current law.
And then Medicare:
The Ryan plan would eliminate traditional Medicare, most of Medicaid, and all of the Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP), converting these health programs largely to vouchers…By 2080, Medicare would be cut 76 percent below its projected size under current policies, according to CBO. In other words, by 2080, the vouchers that would replace Medicare would receive one-quarter of the resources that Medicare would otherwise use.
As the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities summed up, the Roadmap’s cuts “would be so severe that CBO estimates they would shrink total federal expenditures (other than on interest payments) from roughly 19 percent of GDP in recent years to just 13.8 percent of GDP by 2080. Federal spending has not equaled such a low level of GDP since 1950, when Medicare and Medicaid did not yet exist, Social Security failed to cover many workers, and close to half of the elderly people in the United States lived below the poverty line.”
The whole point of Ryan’s radical plan is to attempt to balance the budget by obliterating entitlements. And even while their social safety net is torn out from under them, the Roadmap would result in 90 percent of Americans paying higher taxes.
The Wall Street Journal’s Janet Adamy reports that “the number of small businesses offering health insurance to workers is projected to increase sharply this year,” “a shift that researchers attribute to a tax credit in the health law“:
According to a report by Bernstein Research in New York, the percentage of employers with between three and nine workers and which are offering insurance has increased to 59% this year, up from 46% last year. The report relies on data from a September survey by the nonprofit Kaiser Family Foundation.
A full tax credit is available to employers with 10 or fewer full-time workers and average annual wages of less than $25,000. The credit phases out gradually and has a cap at employers with 25 workers and average annual wages of $50,000. The White House estimates that 4 million employers will qualify for the credit.
Over the years, these small businesses have been particularly hard hit by skyrocketing health care costs and the resulting erosion in coverage is quite striking. Between 2000 and 2009, the number of firms with less than 10 workers offering coverage dropped from 57 percent to 46 percent. During the same period, the percentage of all firms offering coverage fell from 69 to 60. This year, however, the Kaiser Family Foundation Employer Health Benefit survey — on which the Bernstein report relies — found that coverage rates increased (69% of firms reported offering health benefits), but attributed the rise to the failings of non-offering firms. Bernstein, however, is crediting the tax credits.
Separately, another poll released on Monday found that “the number of companies planning to bolster health benefits for their employees jumped more than three-fold over the past seven months,” while “the number of businesses planning health benefit cuts has remained almost constant over the same span. Thirty percent of respondents said health benefits are on the chopping block, up from 29 percent in March.”
Welcome to The WonkLine, a daily 9:30 a.m. roundup of the latest public policy news. This is what we’re reading. Tell us what you found in the comments section below. You can also follow The Wonk Room on Twitter.
President Obama backed away from comments he made last week in which he suggested that Republicans are “enemies” of Latinos.
A U.N. investigator pointed out that migrants bear the brunt of discrimination around the world, and Arizona’s controversial immigration law is the kind of policy that could open the door to human rights abuses.
The number of Latino voters who cast early ballots in this year’s legislative elections grew by 13 percent compared to 2006, a senior White House official reported.
“A major military and intelligence operation is under way in Yemen as authorities attempt to track down an alleged Saudi bomb-maker who is a key suspect in a foiled air cargo bomb plot over the weekend.”
“The United States’ offer to host talks between the country, Japan and China still stands.”
“President Nicolas Sarkozy of France was traveling to Britain on Tuesday to initiate defense agreements promising cooperation including a joint rapid deployment force, shared use of aircraft carriers and joint efforts on nuclear research.”
Guantanamo Bay has lowered America’s moral standing to the point where it is now scandalous that the Canadian government is negotiating with the United States.
Automakers seek lawsuit immunity from the Supreme Court.
Enron CEO Jeff Skilling is asking an appeals court to knock out his conviction after the Supreme Court undermined it earlier this year.
“Iowa voters will decide Tuesday whether three Iowa Supreme Court justices get to keep their jobs .”
“The Ugandan newspaper Rolling Stone, which has initiated a campaign to out and encourage the murder of gays, has been shut down by a court order.”
“The District of Columbia leads the nation in male same-sex households.”
“General Motors will succeed in shrinking the federal government’s ownership stake to less than 50 percent in a $10.6 billion initial public offering later this month,” the New York Times reports.
Robert Marshall, a Republican member of the Virginia House of Delegates, “asked the state’s attorney general to launch an investigation of Mortgage Electronic Registration Systems, the middleman firm in millions of court filings that helps keep the mortgage-securitization machine moving.”
President Obama’s bipartisan debt commission “will begin meeting privately soon after Tuesday’s elections,” with just three weeks to craft a proposal for getting the budget into primary balance.
Inside Higher Ed explains how “the outcomes of today’s Congressional elections will shape debates on higher education for the next few years.”
Education Week looks at how the elections “could have major implications for the direction of federal education policy, the implementation of key state K-12 initiatives, and education spending at all levels.”
According to a new report from the Center for Studies in Higher Education at the University of California Berkeley, “drastic reforms must be done within California’s higher education system in order to meet President Obama’s goal of the U.S. having the highest graduation rate by 2020.”
As a hurricane of Republican climate denial heads toward Washington, Tropical Storm Tomas is strengthening into a real hurricane that threatens Haiti with further devastation.
“It could take the Earth 100,000 years to recover” from global warming if fossil fuels continue to be burned at their current rate, the Geological Society warns.
Koch Industries’ subsidiary Flint Hills Resources runs the Pine Bend Refinery, “specifically designed to process heavy, sour crude piped in from Canada,” making it one of America’s biggest processors of the greenhouse-pollution-intensive Alberta tar sands.
“While the health care reform law isn’t on the ballot today, the results of the midterm elections will have vast implications on the debate over the Democrats’ controversial legislation.”
“Voters in three states will cast ballots Tuesday on the new healthcare law’s individual mandate to buy insurance. Arizona and Oklahoma are expected to pass the state constitutional amendment, but it faces an uphill battle in Colorado.”
“Tuesday’s elections could have ramifications for a number of state insurance commissioner posts across the country.”
NBC’s presidential historian Michael Beschloss added one more important point of historical context to the ongoing question of how much the actual policies in the Affordable Care Act have contributed to the Democrats’ poor showing in the polls and tomorrow’s expected Republican electoral wave. Beschloss recalled that despite a two-thirds majority in the House and the Senate, President Lyndon B. Johnson recognized that he had a narrow window of opportunity to pass Medicare and other “Great Society” programs before the public turned against him.
He did and they did:
BESCHLOSS: Look at 1965. Lyndon Johnson came in, if you can believe it Rachel, two-thirds of the senate was Democrats, two-thirds of the House was Democrats. But even despite that, LBJ said, this doesn’t happen very often, I’ve got six months. He used those six months to get through the Great Society, Medicare, voting rights, very basic programs. He said after that they’re going to start voting against me and there will be a backlash. He was absolutely right. The Democrats had huge setbacks in Congress in 1966, but LBJ and the Great Society had probably more of an influence on Americans in terms of saying where the Democratic party is, for well or ilk, than probably any other president of the period.
Watch it:
If anything underscores the point that these kinds of social reforms are investments that could yield long-term dividends for the country it’s that today most Republicans are pledging to protect Medicare from the cuts in the health law and are campaigning against reform’s cuts to the program.
Of course, what’s unique about the health reform debate is that Republicans are still opposing the legitimacy of the law. As James Morone — a professor of political science at Brown University — has pointed out, “Normally in our political system, when we have enormous battles over legislation, most political actors consider the politics done when the legislative battle is over. What’s new here is the idea that the battle goes on into the implementation phase. This wasn’t true for Social Security, it wasn’t true for Medicare, it wasn’t true for civil rights.” “I’m not sure the Democrats have been quite this insistent after losing legislation. To have the Republican Party be this forceful about a position after the normal political process has run its course is pretty extraordinary,” he added.
Insurance industry sources are telling the National Journal’s Meghan McCarthy that the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) may be “leaning” toward allowing student health plans (SHP) — health insurance policies offered to college students — to be classified as “short-term-duration” coverage, potentially exempting these policies from some of the law’s consumer protections. The news comes after various youth groups had been lobbying the agency to classify SHPs as individual health plans to ensure that the policies have to abide by the regulatory baseline created in the Affordable Care Act. McCarthy reports:
Whatever the final determination, HHS has yet another difficult decision to make on how specific consumer protections in the health care law will apply to a subset of insurance plans before exchanges start operating in 2014.
Health insurance coverage offered to students by colleges and universities arguably falls into a gray area under the health care law, especially when it comes to deciding whether certain consumer protections apply to the plans. That’s because the law, as written, applies certain consumer protections only to individual, small-group, and large-group plans.
Insurance companies and colleges argue that their student health plans do not fall within any of those categories, but are instead “short-term” coverage, a categorization that could ultimately exempt the plans from many consumer-protection regulations.
But those colleges — represented by The American Council on Education — that are lobbying for the “short-term coverage” label are insisting that their goal isn’t to exempt plans from the minimum standards. “First, colleges are not seeking either an exemption or a waiver from the law,” Terry Hartle, senior vice president of ACE and Steven Bloom, the organization’s assistant director of federal relations write in today’s Inside HigherEd. “[W]e have asked HHS to provide rules of the road on two key topics: What insurance reforms in ACA apply to student health plans?… [and] Assuming student health plans incorporate required insurance reforms and provide at least a minimum ACA-defined level of coverage, will that satisfy the individual mandate to purchase health insurance under ACA?”
Presumably, if the plans do meet the minimum standards for coverage — that is, by 2014, if a student is enrolled in a SHP she or he will meet the individual requirement — the plans will have to abide by the basic floor of coverage and will thus have to comply with at least some of the consumer protections found in the health law — regardless of their legal classification. And if that’s the case, then regulators will have to ensure that the industry cleans up some of its most egregious practices.
A recent investigation by New York Attorney General Andrew Cuomo, for instance, found that some college plans “provide woefully deficient coverage, with maximum overall caps or limits on particular types of services which can leave students with large, unreimbursed medical bills.” What’s more, the investigation found that “[m]any student plans payout far too little in claims compared to the premiums charged to the students,” exclude coverage for pre-existing conditions, and “provide no coverage at all for preventative services which college students typically need.”
Back in July, I reported that prior to President Truman’s 1948 executive order integrating the armed forces, the various military branches conducted a number of surveys of the attitudes of enlisted and nonenlisted troops towards black people and racial issues. At the time, the military — along with the overwhelming majority of the country — opposed integrating black servicemembers into the forces and preferred a ‘separate but equal’ approach that would have required the military to construct separate recreation spaces and facilities. According to the surveys, 3/4 Air Force men favored separate training schools, combat, and ground crews and 85% of white soldiers supported building separate service clubs in army camps.
Truman’s decision to desegregate the forces — despite the opposition of the troops — may hold important lessons for President Obama and Congress as they prepare to review the Pentagon’s year-long review of the policy, which includes separate surveys about Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell. And, interestingly, so do the stories of black veterans “who served among the military’s first desegregated units during the Korean.” As the AP explained on Saturday, “Though the military may now seem to lag behind America’s acceptance of gays in civilian life, the armed forces led the charge in ending racial segregation in the 1940s and ’50s”:
“Many people used that same argument against African-Americans serving in the same units as whites,” said Cox, who teaches black military history to Citadel cadets. “Many people said it’s the end of the military. But the result was there were very few problems, the military ran very efficiently.”
The integration of blacks into all-white units in Korea was so uneventful that white soldiers like Phil McCraney hardly noticed. McCraney, 78, says his Army company of 150 troops had only four or five blacks by the time he returned home in 1951.
“It wasn’t that big a deal I don’t think,” said McCraney of Bartow, Fla. “We didn’t mistreat them by any chance. But we just didn’t associate with them that much.”
It was the battlefield pressures of war that ultimately pushed the armed forces into full-scale desegregation.
While the Navy had begun integrating crews aboard its warships in 1946, the Army and Marines resisted even after Truman’s 1948 order. They came around only after suffering heavy combat losses in Korea in 1950. [...]
“Our commander made a very simple statement: When a rifleman comes in with a certain skill, put him where he’s needed,” recalled retired Army Lt. Gen. Julius W. Becton Jr. “We became an integrated regiment.”
Becton, 84, of Springfield, Va., deployed to Korea in the summer of 1950 as a platoon leader in the all-black 3rd Battalion, 9th Infantry Regiment. Then a lieutenant who had served in World War II, it wasn’t long before he was commanding white soldiers.
If there was resentment among the white soldiers taking orders from him, Becton insists he never heard it. “I suspect there may have been some of that, but you don’t have much choice when you’re being shot at,” he said. “I don’t think that white guy from Mississippi or that black guy from New York is going to care too much about who’s giving orders.”
Significantly, the early leaks from the Pentagon’s DADT survey suggest that today’s military is far more receptive to serving alongside openly gay and lesbian servicemembers than white soldiers were of black troops. According to military sources who have seen the report — which is scheduled for release on December 1 — a majority of American troops would either not object to serving alongside openly gay troops or would raise any concerns directly with their gay peers. On Thursday, NBC’s Richard Engel reported that for most soldiers, “it wasn’t that big of a deal.” “The majority — the number one answer, first answer was ‘I don’t care,’” he said, adding “That’s significant.”
Moments ago, the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals granted the government’s request to stay a federal district court’s injunction against enforcing Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell, pending the government’s appeal of the ruling. The court had previously extended only a temporary stay “to provide this court with an opportunity to consider fully the issues presented.” In an eight-page decision, the justices identify “three reasons that persuade us to grant a stay pending appeal”:
- First, Acts of Congress are presumptively constitutional, creating an equity in favor of the government when balancing the hardships in a request for a stay pending appeal.
- Second, “‘judicial deference . . . is at its apogee’ when Congress legislates under its authority to raise and support armies.”
- Third, the district court’s analysis and conclusions are arguably at odds with the decisions of at least four other Circuit Courts of Appeal: the First, Second, Fourth, and Eighth.
“Accordingly, we conclude that the government’s colorable allegations that the lack of an orderly transition in policy will produce immediate harm and precipitous injury are convincing. We also conclude that the public interest in ensuring orderly change of this magnitude in the military–if that is what is to happen–strongly militates in favor of a stay,” the court concludes.
Judge William Fletcher dissented in part, noting that he too would stay the district court’s injuction, but would prevent the government “from actually discharging anyone from the military, pursuant to the Don’t Ask Don’t Tell policy, during the pendency of the appeal.”
In September, Judge Virginia Phillis struck down the Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell policy as unconstitutional in a case brought forward by the Log Cabin Republicans. In an 86 page opinion, Phillips ruled that DADT violated the due process clause of the Fifth Amendment and the servicemembers’ First Amendment rights. Phillips later issued an injunction of the policy, denying the government’s request to stay her decision. For a period of eight days, the Pentagon followed Phillips’ order and allowed gay people to enlist and announced announced that it would limit who could authorize discharges once the temporary stay went into effect.
The government will not be required to file its appeal brief until Monday, Jan. 24, 2011.
Read the full decision here (pdf).
"It is really unfortunate that the government has tricked the Ninth Circuit into believing that 'enormous consequences,' 'immediate harm,' and 'irreparable injury' will result from a continuation of the injunction," said Alexander Nicholson, Executive Director of Servicemembers United and the only named veteran plaintiff in the case. "By the government's own admission elsewhere, none of these predicted consequences or injuries have come to pass while the law has been enjoined, and the Defense Department has even voluntarily created a de facto moratorium on discharges by further increasing the level of discharge authority. It is concerning that the government can so blatantly pull one over on an appeals court, and it is equally frustrating that such a distinguished court would allow itself to be fooled so obviously and so publicly in the name of 'deference.' Abdication is more like it." In light of this stalling of justice, the very narrow legislative path remains the only way by which the President, administration officials, and the congressional leadership can keep their promise to end "Don't Ask, Don't Tell" this year. In order for there to be any chance for legislative success, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid absolutely must bring the National Defense Authorization Act back up on the Senate floor before the Senate recesses for Thanksgiving.
“Log Cabin Republicans is disappointed that ‘Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell’ will continue to burden our armed forces, undermine national security and limit the freedom of our men and women in uniform,” said R. Clarke Cooper, Executive Director of Log Cabin Republicans. “Despite this temporary setback, Log Cabin remains confident that we will ultimately prevail on behalf of servicemembers’ constitutional rights. In the meantime, we urge President Obama to use his statutory stop-loss power to halt discharges under this discriminatory and wasteful policy. The president claims to want to see ‘Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell’ ended. It is time that he stop talking and start working to make a real difference for gay and lesbian Americans by pushing for repeal when Congress returns.”
Today, the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals heard oral arguments on Arizona’s appeal of a lower-court ruling that blocked the most controversial provisions of SB-1070 from taking effect. The heated exchange that took place between the three judges and both the deputy solicitor general Edwin S. Kneedler and Arizona’s lawyer, John J. Bouma dropped a few notable hints as to how the judges will rule.
In July, federal district court judge Susan Bolton blocked the most significant sections SB-1070 from taking effect, arguing that “the United States is likely to succeed on the merits in showing that…[they] are preempted by federal law” and the “United States is likely to suffer irreparable harm” in the absence of an injunction.
However, at least one of the appellate judges, Judge John T. Noonan Jr., took issue with the federal government’s federal preemption argument. In a testy exchange, Noonan told Kneedler: “We’ve read your brief, I’ve read the District Court opinion, I’ve heard your interchange with my two colleagues, and I don’t understand your argument.” Noonan went on, “We are dependent as a court on counsel being responsive…You keep saying the problem is that a state officer is told to do something. That’s not a matter of preemption…I would think the proper thing to do is to concede that this is a point where you don’t have an argument.” Bea was similarly unimpressed, stating, “It’s up to the state how they want to use their people.”
Bouma didn’t get off easy either. Noonan shared concerns expressed by the federal government that the failure to immediately verify lawful presence could result in the prolonged detention of lawfully present immigrants and citizens. “I don’t know any provision of federal law that goes that far, now isn’t that getting into federal territory?” asked Noonan. “How can we construe it so that detention does not exceed what would be possible under federal law?” “How long would that be?” chimed in Judge Richard A. Paez. “Twenty-four hours? Forty-eight hours? A week?”
Judge Carlos Bea appeared to take issue with Section 5 of the law which criminalizes the solicitation, application for, or performance of work by an undocumented immigrant. Bea pointed to a previous court case which affirmed that congressional intention is not to punish employees. “I’ll tell you what the problem is Mr. Bouma, is that you’re arguing something which is simply foreclosed to us,” said Bea.
Based on today’s oral arguments, many are speculating that the Appeals court will not uphold the injunction on the part of the law which mandates police to inquire about the immigration status of anyone they stop, detain, or arrest if they reasonably suspect the person is in the country illegally. Meanwhile, it seems likely that the court will uphold the injunction on provisions relating to detention and the criminalization of certain immigration offenses that are considered minor under federal immigration law.
In the end, speculations are merely guesstimates. This past summer, one reporter dissected Bolton’s statements, concluding that Bolton seemed “skeptical” about the federal preemption argument and appeared to support the argument that certain provisions are unconstitutional because they violate the rights of U.S. citizens. In the end, Bolton supported both arguments when she enjoined parts of the law.
It’s also important to remember that today’s hearing wasn’t on the constitutionality of the law itself, but rather on whether certain provisions of the law should be allowed to take effect before a final decision is made concerning its overall legality. With that said, part of the court’s decision will be based on the “likelihood of success” which will likely preview any future decisions they will make on the law.
New Hampshire Republican Senate nominee Kelly Ayotte has based her campaign on an anti-government zeal and a promise to “take a hatchet to spending” (despite her embrace of budget-busting policies). But when it comes to constructive ideas about the nation’s high unemployment, Ayotte made it clear during a debate last week that she has no solutions.
When asked what specific bills she would sponsor in order to reduce unemployment, Ayotte simply reiterated her support for extending all of the Bush tax cuts, which are set to expire at the end of the year:
The last thing we should be doing right now is raising taxes, but that’s what Congressman Hodes wants to do. When he talks about letting those tax cuts expire, let’s call it for what it is: it’s keeping tax rates stable at a time when we are facing a very difficult challenge nationally. And those taxes impact 750,000 small businesses in this country, half the business income in this country, and employ 25 percent of the workers in this country. So I’ll tell you how we create a positive climate: lower taxes on our small businesses.
Watch it:
First, Ayotte’s stat regarding half of small business income is flat-out wrong, and the 750,000 number she cited is only valid if you consider Bechtel and the Tribune Company to be small businesses. Second, Ayotte fails to mention that her desired job creation plan will cost nearly $4 trillion over the next decade, including $830 billion to pay for the tax cuts for the richest two percent of Americans alone.
But most importantly, Ayotte’s proposal is obviously nothing new, and we already know that it falls flat as a job creation step. According to the Congressional Budget Office, extending the Bush tax cuts provides just 10 to 40 cents in economic activity for every dollar spent. “A permanent extension [of the Bush tax cuts] would entail large revenue losses after the recovery is over, so its effects on output and employment in the next few years per dollar of total budgetary cost would be much lower” than other tax and spending policies, CBO said.
In fact, as Josh Picker found, following the Bush tax cuts, the country “registered the weakest jobs and income growth in the post-war period”:
Overall monthly job growth was the worst of any cycle since at least February 1945, and household income growth was negative for the first cycle since tracking began in 1967. Women reversed employment gains of previous cycles. And for African Americans, the worst job growth on record was matched by an unprecedented increase in poverty.
Extending the Bush tax cuts will definitely further the Republican goal of having marginal tax rates for the rich be as low as possible, but the only thing such a move will create from a federal policy perspective is a bigger deficit.
Politico’s Sarah Kliff reports that governor turned full time possible presidential candidate Tim Pawlenty (R-MN) has agreed to accept some funds from the Affordable Care Act, undermining an executive order that prevented state departments from applying for the funds:
The state’s Management and Budget Office was one of 700 new organizations that signed up for the Early Retiree Reinsurance Program, a $5 billion program that helps pay for the insurance costs of retirees between the ages of 55 and 64. [...]
But the executive order came with a caveat that the governor’s office would still evaluate federal funding opportunities on a case by case basis, “on the basis of whether they will support existing state initiatives or programs, or whether such federal funding opportunities create new encroachments by the federal government under the recently passed federal legislation.”
Pawlenty spokesman Bruce Gordon says participation in the new program does not violate the executive order because it promulgates existing state polices.
“Governor Pawlenty’s executive order directs state agencies to not submit grant applications connected with Obamacare unless otherwise required by law or in keeping with existing state policies and approved by the Governor’s office,” he told POLITICO. “In order to cut state spending, the governor has authorized an early retirement incentive program for state employees. This grant supports the governor’s ongoing policy to reduce state spending, in this case, by incentivizing early retirement.”
Recall that Pawlenty had defended his EO by likening federal dollars to “drugs” and the government to a drug dealer. “Federal government’s acting increasingly like a financial drug dealer, handing out tastes or free samples, trying to get people addicted, further addicted,” he told Fox News’ Greta Van Susteren. “We’re not taking the free samples anymore. This is an executive order that says we’re sending them a strong message, but we’re also going to try to make sure the policies are for Minnesota not because some big federal bureaucracy tells us what to do.”
Indeed, Pawlenty is attempting to nationally position himself as a strong opponent of ACA funding, while simultaneously carving out exceptions to his own restrictions. So far, Minnesota has received some $15.9 million in ACA grants and Pawlenty has separately accepted $263 million in federal dollars to bolster the state’s Medicaid program.
The 2010 campaign season has seen a horde of climate zombies shuffling towards Washington, DC — hundreds of Republican candidates who question the threat of greenhouse pollution as a scientific conspiracy or hoax. A few Democrats have fought back against the Tea Party anti-science wave, making the argument that people who choose oil propaganda over scientific fact might not be the best leaders for this nation. Surveying the races, the Wonk Room has found climate hawks taking a stand for sanity against the climate zombies from coast to coast, including Gov. Deval Patrick (D-MA), Sen. Michael Bennet (D-CO), and Rep. Dan Maffei (D-NY), taking it to their challengers in debates, press conferences, and campaign ads:
– CA-SEN: Barbara Boxer
– CO-SEN: Michael Bennet
– NH-SEN: Paul Hodes
– PA-SEN: Joe Sestak
– WI-SEN: Russ Feingold
– IN-09: Baron Hill
– NY-25: Dan Maffei
– OR-01: David Wu
– RI-01: Dan Cicilline
– MA-GOV: Deval Patrick
– OR-GOV: John Kitzhaber
During the California GOP primary, millionaire executive Carly Fiorina mocked Sen. Barbara Boxer’s (D-CA) leadership on climate issues as being “worried about the weather” instead of terrorism. Boxer’s campaign quickly responded with a fundraising appeal that reminded voters that global warming is a very real threat to national security:
In Fiorina’s latest ad, she attacks Barbara’s work to reduce the threat of climate change as just being “worried about the weather” and dismisses any connection between climate change and national security. That’s just wrong. Many experts of every political party believe that climate change could pose a serious threat to our nation. That’s one reason why the CIA has established The Center on Climate Change and National Security. Apparently Fiorina has trouble keeping “climate” and “weather” straight — just like her supporter Sarah Palin.
After Republican candidate Ken Buck embraced Sen. Jim Inhofe’s (R-OK) radical conspiracy theory that “this global warming is the greatest hoax that has been perpetrated,” Sen. Michael Bennet’s (D-CO) campaign blasted back:
Ken Buck’s extreme stance on climate change is a threat to Colorado’s economy and could prove cataclysmic for our national security.
During the Republican primary to fill Sen. Judd Gregg’s (R-NH) seat, U.S. Senate candidate Kelly Ayotte agreed with her competitors that global warming is a hoax. In September, Rep. Paul Hodes (D-NH) laid out the consequences of her denial of reality in a post to Daily Kos and Blue New Hampshire:
The bottom line is that Kelly Ayotte has as many doubts about global warming as I have about her ability to stand up to her special interest donors in the oil and coal industry. Global warming is not something this country should be taking lightly. It’s a serious threat not just for our environment, but for the economic livelihood of generations to come. Kelly Ayotte has dismissed global warming and told the Granite State she doesn’t believe that it’s real. I think it’s time we stop denying and instead start applying initiatives to lessen the devastating effects of carbon emissions. It’s no longer optional – it’s absolutely crucial to protect the country we’re trying to leave to our children and our grandchildren.
After ThinkProgress reported that Rep. Pat Toomey (R-PA) said climate science is “still very much disputed, and it’s been debated,” Rep. Joe Sestak (D-PA) blasted out a press release hitting Toomey for having a “position that puts him in the same camp as fellow Tea Party-backed Senate candidate Christine O’Donnell, but at odds with broad and nearly unanimous scientific consensus”:
This is just the latest example of Congressman Toomey’s refusal to hear perspectives that don’t fit into his own narrow mindset, even if those perspectives are backed by a large volume of credible evidence. But try as he might, Toomey can’t escape from the facts. Pennsylvania needs a public servant dedicated to finding practical solutions to the problems we face, not another closed-minded ideologue bent on insisting that the “world is flat.”
Education Week’s Alyson Klein has a good roundup today of the education issues that may arise in a lame duck session of Congress, including addressing the stop-gap funding authorization for the Department of Education that will expire on December 3. Klein noted that the fate of Obama administration reform efforts like Race to the Top will hinge on how this process and the 2011 appropriations bills shake out.
One of the programs up for consideration is the Teacher Incentive Fund, which provides federal funding to support pay-for-performance programs for teachers and principals in high-need schools. As Robin Chait, Center for American Progress Associate Director for Teacher Quality, noted, the program is achieving its goals:
The program is advancing the kinds of reforms human capital systems in our schools need. Its latest iteration does more than the prior iteration of the program to leverage changes to policies besides teacher and principal compensation systems. For instance, it requires participating states and districts to develop comprehensive and aligned approaches to attracting, evaluating, and developing educators. This alignment — combined with other reform efforts — is key to ensuring that TIF promotes systemic changes in participating states, districts, and schools. The most recent group of programs funded by TIF grants demonstrate this new emphasis.
Chait highlighted the Mission Possible program in the Guilford County School System in Greensboro, NC, which operates in 30 high-need schools in the district and “has increased student graduation rates with the participating schools, significantly outperforming others in the county.”
The problem is that House Republicans, if they gain a majority, have pledged to reduce non-defense discretionary spending to the 2008 level. Such a move — in addition to significantly paring back Pell Grants and completely eliminating Race to the Top — would cut the Teacher Incentive Fund from $400 million to $97 million, leaving less than 25 percent of the program’s funding intact. And 60-80 new awards will be granted as a result of the 2010 funding level.
Rep. Kevin McCarthy (R-CA), the lead architect of the House GOP’s Pledge to America, takes exception with the notion that the Republican plan would actually mean reductions in programs like those named above. “Well, see, people go out and pick the special little places,” he told Bloomberg’s Al Hunt over the weekend.
But that’s precisely the problem with the GOP’s approach to budgeting: laying out an across-the-board cut, but then exempting every item that a critic mentions, means that larger chunks will have to come out of the programs not deemed off limits. And at the end of the day, they’ve walled so much of the budget off that draconian cuts in the remaining programs — like the Teacher Incentive Fund — will be the only way to actually achieve their desired savings.