Following up on their demonstration attack on Diebold voting machines
(
writeup,
my comments),
the Argonne Vulnerability Assessment Team has developed a set of
Suggestions
for Better Election Security). My review comments are below:
I've had a chance to go over this document and while there are some
suggestions that are valuable, many seem naive, impractical, or
actively harmful. More generally, I don't see that it derives from any
systematic threat model or cost/benefit analysis about which threats
to address; merely following the procedures here would--at great
expense--foreclose some security threats while leaving open other
threats that are arguably more serious both in terms of severity and
ease of attack. Finally, many of the recommendations here seem quite
inconsistent with the current state of election practice. That's not
necessarily fatal, since that practice is in some cases flawed, but
there doesn't seem to be any acknowledgement that these seemingly
minor changes actually would require radically reworking election
equipment and procedures.
If this document is to be useful rather than harmful, it needs to
start with a with a description of the threat model--and in particular
the assumed attacker capabilities--and then proceed to a systematic
analysis of which threats it is economical to defend against, rather
than just being a grab bag of isolated security recommendations
apparently designed to defend against very different levels of threat.
Pre- And Post-Election Inspections
The authors recommend:
... at least 1% of the voting machines actually used in the
election-randomly chosen-should be tested, then disassembled,
inspected, and the hardware examined for tampering and alien
electronics. The software/firmware should also be examined,
including for malware. It is not sufficient to merely test the
machines in a mock election, or to focus only on cyber security
issues!
This document does not specify how the hardware must be "examined",
but a thorough examination, sufficient to discover attack by a
sophisticated attacker, is likely to be extremely time consuming and
expensive. A voting machine, like most embedded computers, consists of
a number of chips mounted on one or more printed circuit boards as
well as peripherals (e.g., the touchscreen) connected with cabling.
This document seems to expect that "alien electronics" will be a
separate discrete component added to the device, but this need not be
so. A moderately sophisticated attacker could modify or replace any of
these components (for instance, by replacing the chips with lookalike
chips). As most of these components are sealed in opaque plastic
packaging, assessing whether they have been tampered with is no easy
matter. For instance, in the case of a chip, one would need to either
remove the chip packaging (destroying it in the process) or x-ray it
and then compare to a reference example of the chip in order to verify
that no substitution had occurred. These are specialized and highly
sophisticated techniques that few people are qualified to carry out,
and yet this document proposes that they be performed on multiple
machines in every jurisdiction in the United States, of which there
are on the order of 10,000.
Moreover, this level of hardware analysis is useless against a broad
spectrum of informational threats. An attacker who can rewrite the
device's firmware--trivial with physical access to the internals,
but the California TTBR discovered a number of vectors which did
not require such access--can program his malware to erase itself
after the election is over, thus evading inspection. Moreover, to
the extent to which the microprocessors in the device contain
firmware and/or microcode, it may not be possible to determine
whether it has been tampered, since that would require interfaces
directly to the firmware which do not depend on the firmware
itself; these do not always exist. Absent some well-defined
threat model, it is unclear why this document ignores these threats
in favor of less effective physical attacks.
Finally, doing any of this inspection requires extremely detailed
knowledge of the expected internals of the voting machine (it is
insufficient to simply do exact comparison from a single reference
unit because there is generally some manufacturing variation due to
inter-run engineering fixes and the like). This information would
either need to be discovered expensive reverse engineering or having
the vendor release the information, which they have historically been
very reluctant to do, especially as releasing it to every county in
the US would be much like publishing it.
Official and Pollworker Verification
This document recommends that voting officials and pollworkers be subject to a number of
verification requirements. In particular:
- Background checks, including interviews with co-workers
- Citizenship verification
- Positive physical identification of poll workers prior to
handling sensitive materials
- Test bribery
These recommendations are highly discordant with existing practice.
In real jurisdictions, it is extremely difficult to find poll workers
(hence the high number of retirees) and they are paid relatively
nominal sums (~$10/hr). It's unclear if they would be required to
undergo a background check, but I suspect that many would not be pleased
by that. In my experience,
poll workers feel they are performing a public service and are
unlikely to be pleased to be treated as criminals.
Of course, it's unclear if poll workers count for the purposed
of background checks. The authors write:
Minimum: All election officials, technicians, contractors, or
volunteers who prepare, maintain, repair, test, inspect, or transport
voting machines, or compile "substantial" amounts of election results
should have background checks, repeated every 3---5 years, that
include a criminal background history, credit check, and (when
practical) interviews with co---workers.
Volunteers certainly set machines up in the polling place. I'm
not sure if this counts as "preparing". It wouldn't surprise
me if volunteers transported machines. The bottom line here is
that this requirement is problematic either way: if you think
poll workers have to get background checks, it's really invasive.
If you don't, you're ignoring a category of threat from people
who have very high levels of machine access (assuming you
think that background checks do anything useful, which seems
rather dubious in this case.)
The requirement for positive physical identification seems extremely
impractical. As noted above, typical polling places are operated
by semi-volunteer poll workers. Given the ease of acquiring false
identification, it seems highly unlikely that they will be able to
validate the identity of either the poll workers under their supervision
or of the (alleged) election officials to whom they are supposed to
deliver election materials. Similarly, it's not clear to me that
verifying US Citizenship does anything useful. Is there some
evidence that non-citizens are particularly likely to want to
tamper with elections or that it's especially difficult for foreign
countries which want to tamper with elections to find US citizens
to do it for them?
This document recommends attempting to bribing a subset of poll
workers. I'd be interested to learn whether any systematic study of
this has been done on the likely subject population. I.e., does
this sort of intervention actually reduce the effective level of
bribery?
Seal Practice
This document contains a number of detailed recommendations about seal
practice (required level of training, surface preparation, inspection
protocols). I don't think there's any doubt that seals are a weak
security measure and much of the research showing that comes from the
Argonne group. However, it's also not clear to me that the measures
described here will improve the situation. Extensive human factors
research in the Web context shows that users typically ignore even
quite obvious indications of security failures, especially in
contexts where they get in the way of completion of some task.
Is there research that shows that (for instance) 10 minutes of
training has any material impact on the detection rate of fake
seals, especially when that detection is performed in the field?
The authors also write:
Minimize the use of (pressure sensitive) adhesive label seals
I don't really understand how this recommendation is operationalizable:
Existing voting equipment is designed with numerous points of
entry which are not obviously securable in any way, and for which
adhesive seals appear to be the most practical option. What
is the recommendation for such equipment?
Excessive Expert Manpower Requirements
The authors write:
Minimum: Election officials will arrange for a local committee
(pro bono if necessary) to serve as the Election Security
Board. The Board should be made up primarily of security
professionals, security experts, university professors, students,
and registered voters not employees of the election process. The
Board should meet regularly to analyze election security, observe
elections, and make suggestions for improved election security and
the storage and transport of voting machines and ballots. The
Board needs considerable autonomy, being able to call press
conferences or otherwise publicly discuss its findings and
suggestions as appropriate. Employees of companies that sell or
manufacture seals, other security products often used in
elections, or voting machines are not eligible to serve on the
Board.
The United States has something like 10,000 separate election
jurisdictions. If each of these convenes a board of 3-5 people, then
approximately 30,000-50,000 security experts will be required. Given
that all existing voting system reviews have been short-term affairs
and in many cases the experts were compensated, and yet have drawn
from the entire country to gather ~30 experts, it's hard to see where
we are going to gather 1000 times more people for a largely thankless
long-term engagement.
Miscellaneous
The authors recommend that:
The voting machines for the above inspection (or trial bribery
discussed below) should be randomly chosen based on
pseudo-random numbers generated by computer, or by hardware
means such as pulling numbers or names from a hat.
Verifiably generating random values is a significantly harder problem
than this makes it sound like. In particular, pulling names and numbers
from a hat is trivial to game.
Recommended: Each individual in the chain of custody must know
the secret password of the day or the election before being
allowed to take control of the assets.
Any secret that is distributed this widely is hardly likely to remain
a secret for long.
Recommended: Before each election, discuss with poll workers,
election judges, and election officials the importance of ballot
secrecy, and the importance of watching for miniature wireless video
cameras in the polling place, especially mounted to the ceiling or
high up on walls to observe voters' choices. The polling place
should be checked for surreptitious digital or video cameras at
least once on election day.
Elections are typically conducted in spaces which are otherwise
reserved for other purposes and therefore are not empty. In my
experience with such spaces, it would be very difficult to
practically inspect for a surreptitious camera placed in the
ceiling and concealed with any level of skill. This is particularly
difficult in spaces with drop ceilings, ventilation ducts, etc.
Recent Comments