Mark Hanis encouraged me to post a fleshed-out response to his op-ed after I asked him if he wanted me to respond to an op-ed he and a colleague, Andrew Stobo Sniderman, wrote on “drones for human rights.” I asked him if he wanted me to write a response after he found a message I sent out on Twitter that condemned the idea of “humanitarian drones.”
The following is my response. I think this is an important discussion to open up here and so, if Hanis and/or his colleague wish to post a response here at The Dissenter, I will gladly publish it to the blog. Also, if a formal response is posted by either of them, I will link to it at the bottom of this post.
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Humanitarians are taking an interest in how unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) or drones could be used to protect human rights in countries all over the world. In particular, those who believe in preventing massacres or genocide are suggesting surveillance drones be considered as a tool that organizations could deploy to save lives.
Andrew Stobo Sniderman and Mark Hanis are two humanitarians advocating for the use of drones to protect citizens from human rights abuses. Sniderman and Hanis, of the Genocide Intervention Network (GI-NET) based in Washington, DC, argue in a recent New York Times op-ed, “It’s time we used the revolution in military affairs to serve human rights advocacy.”
Sniderman and Hanis find drones could offer the ability to “count demonstrators, gun barrels and pools of blood.” When people are massacred, as they have been in Syria, “the evidence could be broadcast for a global audience, including diplomats at the United Nations and prosecutors at the International Criminal Court.” They add, “For hundreds of thousands of dollars — no longer many millions — a surveillance drone could be flying over protests and clashes in Syria.”
Additionally, the two humanitarians argue for drone use because an environmental group, the Sea Shepherd Conservation Society (SSCS), currently uses them to “monitor illegal Japanese whaling in the waters of the Southern Hemisphere.”
Sniderman and Hanis have good intentions, but, if drones were routinely and frequently employed by human rights organizations to monitor human rights abuses in countries where such abuses are rampant, would human rights organizations be legitimizing a technology that numerous human rights and civil liberties groups have a recent history of condemning? Would the use of drone technology by human rights organizations provide a cover for governments to use drones for surveillance or even killing “terrorists”? Would this only exacerbate conflicts between countries?
There currently exists little to no legal framework for the use of drones in war or for surveillance. There are virtually no standards for privacy, which would put limits on the use of drones. If human rights organizations were using them, would that grant permission for their use by state powers all over the world? Would it alleviate the responsibility leaders have to develop a framework of law that can be used to prosecute violations caused by drones?
On January 30, the NYT’ Eric Schmitt covered how Iraqis were outraged that the US State Department was using surveillance drones. It noted that Iraqis might not differentiate between drones that are used for surveillance and drones that fire missiles.
Hisham Mohammed Salah, 37, an Internet cafe owner in Mosul, said he did not differentiate between surveillance drones and the ones that fire missiles. “We hear from time to time that drone aircraft have killed half a village in Pakistan and Afghanistan under the pretext of pursuing terrorists,” Mr. Salah said. “Our fear is that will happen in Iraq under a different pretext.”
If drones are flown under the pretext of protecting human rights, what would stop a country from justifying the use of drones by saying they are doing it to protect human rights? Couldn’t surveillance drones be a precursor to flying weaponized drones, which a savvy government could argue was being done to protect human rights?
Both Sniderman and Hanis acknowledge risks: “The Syrian government would undoubtedly seize the opportunity to blame a foreign conspiracy for its troubles. Local operators of the drones could be at risk, though a higher-end drone could be controlled from a remote location or a neighboring country.”
Who would be the “local operators”? Would nonprofits expend funds to train people to learn to operate drones? Or, would nonprofits go to work with a private contractor or government agency to send drones in to save civilian lives?
From where would these drones be launched? Would humanitarian organizations be launching drones to go monitor countries from any of the eight hundred to a thousand US military bases in the world? Would they be using aircraft carriers? Would they need this kind of military support to pull off an effective human rights monitoring operation? Or, would an organization like GI-NET be able to independently send a team without cooperation with the United States or European Union?
Suppose widespread human rights abuses were occurring in Iraq and people were being massacred like they are being massacred in Syria. GI-NET could fly a drone in the sky over Iraq but drones would probably never be flown with permission from the Iraqi government. The drones would be in the air because some border country granted GI-NET the right to use their air space to launch drones. If the drones were unwelcome, might they be perceived as an act of war that groups within Iraq might want to respond to by attacking the country enabling GI-NET to launch monitoring operations?
At the end of the op-ed, Sniderman and Hanis note that concerns of partnering humanitarian organizations had led them to settle on giving protesters phones, satellite modems and safe houses, which “for nearly a year now,” they have been using. They note, “the value that a drone could add might not be worth the investment and risks,” that would be incurred by launching a drone in Syria.
Thus, it is worth asking these human rights advocates that support going down a path where nonprofits would be using drones to advance their agenda: Why not stick with supplying countries’ citizens with technology? The world is much more likely to stop a genocide if the atrocities are being witnessed in real time through the eyes of people who are most endangered.
Think about what happened over the weekend. Thousands of people around the world went to protest in front of embassies calling for an end to the massacring of innocent people. Those protests continue, as Russia and China vetoed a UN resolution against Syria. Assad’s days as the tyrant, who governs Syria, are definitely numbered as images, video and messages are circulated via Twitter and other social media on the Internet.
Until it can be proven that human rights organizations would not be providing cover to governments to use drone technology in ways that were nefarious and until it can be easily argued that phones, satellite modems, etc, along with safe houses, are inadequate when compared to drone technology, drones for human rights is a cause that is worrisome to support.