Category Archives: voter id

“Vote fraud targeted by new Pa. voter ID law no longer common”

Philadelphia Inquirer:

Then there’s absentee voting. David Oh, now a freshman on City Council, had sought office in 2007 and had a solid lead in unofficial tallies from voting machines. Yet it became a 122-vote loss – thanks to hundreds of absentee ballots, dozens of them “voting for exactly the same candidates, filled out in exactly the same way,” Oh recalls.

Wider problems with absentee ballots led a federal judge to overturn results of a key Philadelphia legislative race in 1993, deciding which party controlled the State Senate. Republican Bruce Marks was declared the winner over Democrat Bill Stinson after Judge Clarence Newcomer found forgeries and other problems affecting hundreds of ballots – about 90 percent of which favored Stinson.

The new law does add ID requirements for issuing absentee ballots, which could have helped curb the abuses suspected in the 2007 race and documented in 1993.

But the law’s main provision, requiring the state’s 8.2 million registered voters to produce drivers’ licenses or other official forms of photo ID, appears to target a kind of fraud that by all accounts hasn’t cropped up in recent years in the city or state.

“The phrase used is voter impersonation, where John Doe pretends to be Henry Jones in order to cast a vote,” Harvey said. “No one has identified any such cases, certainly in Philadelphia, in my time frame.” Harvey is 75.

The Administrative Office of Pennsylvania Courts reported last month that there had been no convictions for voter impersonation or voter fraud in Pennsylvania in the last five years. And at a recent budget hearing, when Corbett’s secretary of the commonwealth, Carol Aichele – who as head of the Department of State oversees elections – was asked about evidence of voter fraud in the state, she said she wasn’t aware of specific cases, adding, “There is no method to detect or deter voter fraud.”

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Fraudulent Fraud Squad Quote of the Day

“Most fraudsters are smart enough to have their accomplices cast votes in the names of dead people on the voter rolls, who are highly unlikely to appear and complain that someone else voted in their place.”

John Fund, providing no evidence for the claim about “most fraudsters” and predictably relying on the Fort Worth case.

I’d love to see the evidence of a single election in the last quarter of a century in which in person impersonation voter fraud using dead people affected the outcome of an election.

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“Jury is Out on States’ Voter ID Laws”

Politico reports.

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More on the Voter Impersonation Fraud Case in Fort Worth

Yesterday I had a blog post, Allegation of Actual Impersonation Voter Fraud Attempt in Texas…and An Illustration of Why Such Fraud is Rare and Stupid, which linked to a Fort Worth Star Telegram story.

I wanted to get more information about the case, given how extremely rare voter impersonation fraud is.  The Tarrant County prosecutor’s office was kind enough to share a copy of the indictment, It is pretty general, so I spoke by phone with the prosecutor in charge of the case, David Lobingier.

Mr Lobingier told me that the allegation is that the mother took her minor son, a teenager, to the polling place to vote on election day. She took the father’s voting card.  The son showed the father’s card and signed in using his father’s name. (The son has the same name, but is a Jr., and he did not sign the junior.) He was then sent over to vote on the electronic voting machine. Later in the day, the father showed up to vote and poll workers said he had already voted, leading to the investigation and prosecution. The father did not know that the son had been sent to vote.

I asked about the motivation for the mother’s alleged actions.  Mr. Lobingier said that the actions seemed “kind of stupid” and he could not recall any other case like it.  He said that his “surmise” was that the mother thought the father would be unable to vote that day, and so brought the son, but it was not clear why she was interested in having him vote in this election. (The mother is running as a Democratic precinct chair, but was not running in this election.)

Mr. Lobingier said that he believes the defense is going to claim that the allegations are not true, and that the mother is claiming some kind of long-running dispute with someone at the precinct.

If the facts are proven as alleged, this looks like it could be one of those extremely rare cases in which a photo identification actually would have made a difference in preventing the casting of a fraudulent ballot, and for this reason I expect it to gain canonical status among those clamoring for voter id. It will also feature prominently in Texas’s defense of its voter id law before the three judge court in the Voting Rights Act challenge. (See AG Abbott’s tweets from yesterday.)

For reasons explained in my last post, however, the very stupidity of this action (if proven) and the fact that this kind of ham-handed fraud was so easily caught shows why this kind of fraud is so rare and why state voter id laws are generally unnecessary. Can you imagine actually trying to throw an election like this (instead of like this?)  (For the record, and as explained in The Voting Wars, I do support a national voter id, along with an optional thumb print—you can’t lose a thumb—combined with automatic voter registration of all eligible voters conducted by the national government.)

 

 

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“Status conference set in Texas voter ID case; court says ‘disinclined’ to delay July trial”

Texas Redistricting reports.

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“How Does the Nation Cover True the Vote? Poorly”

J. Christian Adams blogs.

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Pennsylvania Voter ID Challenge Filed in State Court

Press release: “The American Civil Liberties Union of Pennsylvania, the Advancement Project, the Public Interest Law Center of Philadelphia (PILCOP), and the Washington, DC law firm of Arnold & Porter LLP filed a lawsuit today on behalf of ten Pennsylvania voters and three prominent advocacy organizations, alleging that the state’s voter photo ID law violates the Pennsylvania Constitution by depriving citizens of their most fundamental constitutional right – the right to vote. The plaintiffs are asking the Commonwealth Court to issue an injunction blocking enforcement of the law before November’s election. If the law is not overturned, most of the plaintiffs will be unable to cast ballots in the fall, despite the fact that many of them have voted regularly for decades.

Link to the complaint and other documents here.

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“Between Voting Rights and Voting Wrongs”

Michael Waldman of the Brennan Center has written this oped for the NYT “Campaign Stops” blog.

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Allegation of Actual Impersonation Voter Fraud Attempt in Texas…and An Illustration of Why Such Fraud is Rare and Stupid

Fort Worth Star Telegram: “A Democratic precinct chairwoman candidate has been indicted on suspicion of conspiring to arrange an illegal vote last year. Hazel Woodard James, 40, is accused of arranging for her son — who was not a registered voter — to vote on behalf of his father. The incident reportedly came to light when the father showed up later in the day to vote in the same precinct, 1211, for which James is now running to be chairwoman. Prosecutor David Lobingier said the indictment is the first case of election fraud in recent memory in Tarrant County.

Impersonation voter fraud is about the dumbest way I could think of to swing an election. That’s why almost all the cases of real fraud with the potential to affect elections involves absentee ballot fraud or election official misconduct: in both ways you could actually verify the fraudulent votes and cast them in sufficient enough numbers to affect elections. (More about the extreme rarity of impersonation voter fraud here.)

Note that the fraudulent scheme did not work—it was detected. Nonetheless, look for this allegation to become the new “1984 grand jury report“–supposed evidence of a massive problem with impersonation voter fraud.

UPDATE: That didn’t take long (and nice analogy of people accused of voter fraud to cockroaches!).  So we have here an alleged single case.  How does that stack up against other claims of voter fraud?  Here’s a brief excerpt from the Fraudulent Fraud Squad chapter of The Voting Wars:

Let’s consider first what the Department of Justice found in its extensive investigation of voter fraud. The department cannot possibly focus on every federal crime, and a change in administrations brings new priorities. Under George W. Bush, the Department of Justice put unprecedented emphasis on finding and prosecuting cases of voter fraud. The Fraudulent Fraud Squad had previously argued that the reason so few cases of voter fraud were discovered was that prosecutors had other priorities. The Justice Department’s new focus on fraud put this contention to the test.

The result is well summarized by a New York Times story, headlined “In 5-Year Effort, Scant Evidence of Voter Fraud”:

“Five years after the Bush administration began a crackdown on voter fraud, the Justice Department has turned up virtually no evidence of any organized effort to skew federal elections, according to court records and interviews   Although Republican activists have repeatedly said fraud is so widespread that it has corrupted the political process and, possibly, cost the party election victories, about 120 people have been charged and 86 convicted as of last year. Most of those charged have been Democrats, voting records show. Many of those charged by the Justice Department appear to have mistakenly filled out registration forms or misunderstood eligibility rules, a review of court records and interviews with prosecutors and defense lawyers show.”

The Times based its data on analysis done by Minnite and others. A Department of Justice report of voting fraud prosecutions had been posted first, perhaps inadvertently, on Representative Ney’s committee website, and Minnite spent weeks tracking down what happened in each of these cases.31

As Minnite’s meticulous research revealed, federal prosecutors dug diligently, but what they found was paltry and unimpressive. Few voters were committing election crimes. Thirty-one of the seventy federal convictions for election crimes between 2002 to 2005 were not against voters at all but against party and campaign workers; ten were against government officials; and three were against election workers. That left, out of hundreds of millions of votes cast nationwide, a mere thirty-five convictions against voters. Some of those prosecutions were for inadvertent mistakes or for registration fraud that did not affecting voting. It did not appear that any of the convictions described in the Times report would have been stopped by a voter identification law. Not one.

In a 2010 follow-up story, the Times explained that of the 55 people convicted from the 95 federal prosecutions during the period covered in the article, “fewer than 20 people were convicted of casting fraudulent ballots, and only 5 were convicted of registration fraud. Most of the rest were charged with other voting violations, including a scheme meant to help Republicans by blocking the phone lines used by two voting groups that were arranging rides to get voters to the polls.”32

The results were the same in Texas. A Dallas Morning News headline in 2008 read: “Texas AG Fails to Unravel Large-Scale Voter Fraud Schemes in His Two Year Campaign.” Similarly, a Democratic and Republican consultant were paired up by the United States Election Assistance Commission to investigate voter fraud and suppression (in a report the EAC later tried to bury, as we’ll see in chapter 5), and they reached the same conclusion. Only isolated cases of real fraud, and most of it registration fraud.33 No systematic voter fraud.

Further update:  I have more information about the allegations, and the case, here.

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“A GOP witch hunt for the zombie voter”

New Eugene Robinson WaPo column.

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“Virginia governor undecided on Voter ID law”

WTOP reports.

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“State of Texas says July trial in voter ID case possible; says DOJ/intervenors seeking delay so law can’t be used in 2012″

Texas Redistricting reports.

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“Deadline approaching for SC to say if implementing voter ID would be possible this year”

AP reports.

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“Obama Campaign Grapples With New Voter ID Laws”

NYT: “Field workers for President Obama’s campaign fanned out across the country over the weekend in an effort to confront a barrage of new voter identification laws that strategists say threaten the campaign’s hopes for registering new voters ahead of the November election.”

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Moritz-ELJ Conference: HAVA at 10

I’m pleased to announce that The Ohio State University’s Moritz College of Law will host a conference on Friday, May 18, 2012 to commemorate the 10th Anniversary of the Help America Vote Act of 2002, with papers to be published in Election Law Journal.  It will feature a terrific lineup of speakers, including lawyers and law profs (Doug Chapin, Terri L. EnnsHeather Gerken, Ned FoleyRick Hasen, Steven F. Huefner, and Dan Tokaji) political scientists (Paul Gronke, Thad Hall, David Kimball, Martha KropfCharles Stewart III), former EAC Commissioners (Donetta Davidson and Ray Martinez III), and election officials (Jon Husted, Matthew Damschroder).  From the conference website:

The Help America Vote Act of 2002 (HAVA) became law 10 years ago. To commemorate this occasion and discuss how American election administration has changed over the past decade, The Ohio State University Moritz College of Law’s Election Law @ Moritz program, its Legislation Clinic, and Election Law Journal, are co-sponsoring a conference, “HAVA @ 10.”

The Moritz College of Law will host the conference in downtown Columbus, Ohio, on May 18, 2012, with papers from the conference to be published in Election Law Journal. The conference will bring together a group of national experts, including election officials, elected officials, political scientists, legal scholars, and lawyers. Topics will include laws regarding voter registration, voting technologies, the future of the U.S. Election Assistance Commission, the division of authority among federal, state, and local entities, and election administration issues that HAVA has not addressed. Ohio Secretary of State Jon Husted, former Speaker of the Ohio House of Representatives, will be the keynote lunch speaker.

The conference schedule is here, and you can register here.  Hope that some of you will join us in Columbus on May 18!

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Major Judicial Slapdown of South Carolina in Voter ID Challenge

Check out the concurring opinion of Judge Bates (joined by Judge Kollar-Kotelly) but not Judge Kavanaugh in this scheduling order. It begins on page 10.

It sounds like South Carolina’s litigation of this case so far has been a disaster. (Paul Clement is one of the lawyers working for South Carolina.)

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“NVRA (National Voter Registration Act) vs. Voter ID and Other Voter Access Challenges’

Janai Nelson blogs.

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“Texas accidentally released personal data in voter I.D. case”

AP reports.

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“DOJ asks for trial delay in Texas Voter ID case”

The Houston Chronicle reports.

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Politifact Texas Rates Texas AG’s Claims on Voter Fraud Convictions Half-True

See here.The report says that there were two prosecutions for “voter impersonation” (It was not clear to me from the story if there were any convictions).  I want much more detail on these claims,how they arose, and whether they led to any convictions.

All of this information, of course, will be looked at closely in the current DC court trial on whether Texas’s new voter id law violates section 5 of the Voting Rights Act.

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DOJ and Intervenors Want Delay in Texas Voter ID Case, Citing Texas’s Failure to Produce Information in Discovery

See here and here.

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US News Interviews Tova Wang on Voter Fraud Myths

Here.

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“National Survey: Super PACs, Corruption, and Democracy”

The Brennan Center has this press release.  I have not yet had a chance to look at the methodology, but I am skeptical of the point made in a second, emailed press release, that Super PAC spending will actually cause turnout to decline.  (That part of the press release states: “The poll, conducted on behalf of the Brennan Center for Justice at NYU School of Law, also finds that one in four Americans are less likely to vote this year due to fears that candidates cater to the interests of super PAC donors over the public interest.”)

I think that’s no more likely than the hypothesis that turnout will go down in states without tough new photograpic voter identification laws.

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“A Vote for Universal Registration”

Katrina vanden Heuvel has written this column for WaPo.

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“Romney Stands Up For Voter ID Laws”

TPM reports.

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“Va Investigated Voter Fraud”

Richmond Times-Dispatch: “Results of an ongoing Virginia State Police investigation of voter registration irregularities from the 2008 general election may signal a more significant voter fraud issue than some state lawmakers realized.”

But, crucially,  “None of the cases appeared to involve someone who misrepresented his or her identity at the polls to vote.”  This is the only kind of fraud a voter id law, now being debated in Virginia, could prevent.

 

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“Voter ID bill in McDonell’s hands”

The latest from Virginia.

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“Court in voter ID case refuses to bar depositions of legislators (for now)”

Michael Li explains the latest in the Texas voter id preclearance case.

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Ken Blackwell Blogs on 9th Circuit Arizona Voter ID Decision

Here, at HuffPo, with Ken Klukowski.

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Elmendorf on 9th Circuit Arizona Voter ID/Voting Rights Act Decision

Chris Elmendorf sent the following important post to the election law listserv, which I am reprinting here with permission:

On Wednesday, Rick commented on his blog that the en banc decision in Gonzalez v. Arizona is very important because, among other things, “it contains a major statement of what plaintiffs would need to show if they want to prove that a voter identification law violates section 2 of the Voting Rights Act.”  What Rick did not point out is that the Gonzalez Court’s “major statement” is in serious tension with the last “major statement” from the same court on what plaintiffs must prove in Section 2 cases.

In Farrakhan v. Gregoire, the en banc Ninth Circuit held that plaintiffs challenging a felon disenfranchisement law under Section 2 must prove that “the [state’s] criminal justice system is infected by intentional discrimination or that the felon disenfranchisement law was enacted with such intent.”  As Justin Levitt commented at the time, Farrakhan seemed to raise the bar for proving intentional discrimination above the already high mark set by the U.S. Supreme Court in Arlington Heights (an equal protection case).

Yet Gonzalez indicates that plaintiffs challenging a voter ID requirement under Section 2 need only establish a “statistical disparity between minorities and whites” that is “caused” by the ID requirement.  The opinion recites some platitudes about the Senate Report factors, but it does not say that plaintiffs must trace the disparate impact of a voter ID requirement (assuming it be proved) to current or past intentional discrimination by state actors, let alone that plaintiffs must prove intentional discrimination with a highdegree of certainty.  Oddly, Judge Kozinski’s concurring opinion does not even remark on the majority’s treatment of Section 2, even though Kozinski was a leading voice for requiring proof of intentional discrimination in Farrakhan.

The zigzag from Farrakhan to Gonzalez is just the latest in the 9th Circuit’s struggle to make sense of the place of intentional or subjective discrimination in Section 2 litigation.  In a 1997 case, Smith v. Salt River Project, the Circuit rejected a Section 2 challenge to landownership qualifications for voting in certain special district elections because plaintiffs failed to show that the qualifications were established for discriminatory reasons, or gave electoral effect to intentional discrimination by other public or private actors.  By contrast, in U.S. v. Blaine County (2004), the Ninth Circuit held that at-large electoral arrangements that prevent a minority community from electing its candidates of choice (given race-correlated voting patterns) violate Section 2 irrespective of whether the district map was adopted for discriminatory reasons, and whether the race-correlated voting patterns owe to racial prejudices.

Intentionally or inadvertently, Gonzalez moves the ball back towards Blaine County.  But because Gonzalez does mention Salt River and the Senate Report factors in passing, it leaves enough wiggle room for a future panel to change course yet again.

(For my own efforts to steer a middle course on the role of subjective discrimination under Section 2, see Making Sense of Section 2: Of Biased Votes, Unconstitutional Elections, and Common Law Statutes, 160 U. Pa. L. Rev. 377 (2012).)

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“News Analysis: Pa. counties get ready to give voter ID test run”

That’s the lead story in this week’s Electionline Weekly.

I’m wondering why the threatened lawsuits in PA have not yet materialized.

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“Corporations Donate to Groups on Both Sides of Voter-ID”

Very interesting Bloomberg report: “Companies giving at least $2 million to the Congressional Black Caucus Foundation — nearly half of its reported 2010 donations — also backed an organization championing voter identification laws that black caucus members say ‘suppress’ minorities’ right to vote. The group, the American Legislative Exchange Council, lists 22 corporate and trade association members on its private enterprise board. Thirteen of those firms also contributed to the black caucus foundation in 2010, according to Internal Revenue Service records and the latest available data on the websites of both organizations.”

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“Voter ID Laws Take Center Stage at House Judiciary Hearing”

Main Justice reports.  You can find a link to the webcast, and to the witness statements of Cleta Mitchell, J. Christian Adams, Eric Eversole, and Wendy Weiser, here.

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Listen to Fund, Gaskin, and Hasen on Voter ID

Here, at KPCC’s Patt Morrison show.

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Talking Voter ID on Patt Morrison Show at 2 PM Pacific Today

You should be able to listen here. Other scheduled guests include John Fund and Keesha Gaskins. (Of course, radio and tv appearances are always subject to last minute change.)

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“Got ID? Helping Americans Get Voter Identification”

Demos, Common Cause, the Lawyer’s Committee and Fair Elections Legal Network have issued this report, a best practices guide for state and local organizations to help voters get the IDs now required in some states

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En Banc 9th Circuit Decides Very Important Voter ID and Voter Registration Case from Arizona

[For updated coverage, see here.]

The Ninth Circuit, sitting en banc, has decided a major election law case, Gonzalez v. Arizona. The majority opinion by Judge Ikuta begins:

Proposition 200 requires prospective voters in Arizona to provide proof of U.S. citizenship in order to register to vote, see Ariz. Rev. Stat. § 16-166(F) (the “registration provision”), and requires registered voters to show identification to cast a ballot at the polls, see Ariz. Rev. Stat. § 16-579(A) (the “polling place provision”). This appeal raises the questions whether Proposition 200 violates § 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (VRA), 42 U.S.C. § 1973, is unconstitutional under the Fourteenth or Twenty-fourth Amendments to the Constitution, or is void as inconsistent with the National Voter Registration Act of 1993 (NVRA), 42 U.S.C. §§ 1973gg et seq. We uphold Proposition 200’s requirement that voters show identification at the polling place, but conclude that the NVRA supersedes Proposition 200’s registration provision as that provision is applied to applicants using the National Mail Voter Registration Form (the “Federal Form”) to register to vote in federal elections.

A few thoughts:

1. The ruling on the registration provision is very important.  Arizona can continue to use a form for voter registration which requires proof of citizenship. But as to registering in federal elections, Arizona must accept the “federal form” (promulgated by the EAC) which does not require proof of citizenship. Congress has the power to make Arizona accept this form under the Elections Clause of the Constitution.  This means that voter registration drives in Arizona (which may be key to Democrats’ plans for the November election) may use the federal form. (Barring, of course, any further action in this case in the Supreme Court.)

2. The ruling is also important because it contains a major statement of what plaintiffs would need to show if they want to prove that a voter identification law violates section 2 of the Voting Rights Act:

The district court did not clearly err in concluding that Gonzalez failed to establish that Proposition 200’s polling place provision, see Ariz. Rev. Stat. § 16-579, had a disparate impact on Latinos. To prove a § 2 violation, Gonzalez had to establish that this requirement, as applied to Latinos, caused a prohibited discriminatory result. Here, Gonzalez alleged that “Latinos, among other ethnic groups, are less likely to possess the forms of identification required under Proposition 200 to . . . cast a ballot,” but produced no evidence supporting this allegation.34 The record does include evidence of Arizona’s general history of discrimination against Latinos and the existence of racially polarized voting. But Gonzalez adduced no evidence that Latinos’ ability or inability to obtain or possess identification for voting purposes (whether or not interacting with the history of discrimination and racially polarized voting) resulted in Latinos having less opportunity to participate in the political process and to elect representatives of their choice. Without such evidence, we cannot say that the district court’s finding that Gonzalez failed to prove causation was clearly erroneous. Therefore we affirm the district court’s denial of Gonzalez’s VRA claim.

(footnotes omitted).  Judge Berzon concurred in this part of the majority opinion “with that understanding of its limited reach. A different record in a future case could produce a different outcome with regard to the § 2 causation question.”  (Note that the question in the Texas and South Carolina voter identification cases currently pending in federal court in DC is a different question: whether the i.d. laws in those states violate section 5 of the Act, and on that question the states bear the burden of proof.)

3. Dissents: Only Judge Pregerson would have found the voter ID law in violation of section 2 of the VRA.  Judge Rawlinson, in contrast, agreed on the voter i.d. analysis, but disagreed on the question whether Arizona must accept the federal form on registraton. The dissent and Justice Kozinski’s concurrence contain a fascinating discussion of statutory interpretation, including whether to rely on legislative history and also whether something like a clear statement rule should apply in Election Clause cases.  Judge Kozinski calls this a “difficult and perplexing case” and explains why he changed his view of this case since he issued a blistering dissent to an earlier panel opinion.  In that earlier dissent to an opinion (also written by Judge Ikuta, then joined by Justice O’Connor), Judge Kozinski wrote: “he majority distorts two major areas of law before it even reaches the merits. It creates an unprecedented exception to our law of the circuit rule, trampling underfoot a newly minted en banc opinion. The majority also makes a mess of the law of the case analysis by taking issue with a prior panel’s reasoning, not its conclusion. And, as to the merits, the panel comes nowhere close to proving that Gonzalez I’s interpretation of the National Voter Registration Act was wrong, much less clearly wrong. Few panels are able to upset quite so many apple carts all at once. Count me out.”  Relatedly, there’s an important holding on the law of the case doctrine for 9th Circuit procedure geeks in fn. 4 of the majority opinion.

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“Voter ID: Where are We Now?”

That’s the lead story in the April issue of NCSL’s “The Canvass.”

 

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“If the public “thinks” something is a problem, does that make it a problem? Voter ID and the new Rasmussen Poll”

Paul Gronke blogs.

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“How Artur Davis Learned to Stop Worrying and Team Up With Pro-Voter ID Tea Partiers”

Weigel.

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“Wisconsin Supreme Court won’t take voter ID cases”

AP: “The Wisconsin Supreme Court on Monday declined to consider the state’s appeals of two rulings blocking Wisconsin’s new voter ID law from taking effect, leaving the issue to lower courts to decide even with recall elections against the governor and five other Republican officials only weeks away. The court didn’t explain why it wasn’t taking up the state’s appeals in its two single-page orders, which it issued hours after a trial began in one of the cases.”

Journal-Sentinel: “‘What it says is there were not four justices who wanted to take this case up (at this time),’ said Lester Pines, an attorney for the League of Women Voters. ‘I don’t believe the Supreme Court always decides stuff on a four-three basis.’  The case will now go back to the two courts of appeals. They typically take nine months to a year to issue decisions, according to Pines. The Department of Justice has asked the appeals court to expedite the League of Women Voters case, but Pines said even if it does so he does not believe it would issue a ruling before the June 5 recall election.”

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“73% Think Photo ID Requirement Before Voting Does Not Discriminate”

New Rasmussen survey.

If voter i.d. laws are so popular, is there still reason to oppose them? Yes.

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“GOP lawyers’ group chief: ‘Desperate’ Holder distorted our study to fit anti-voter ID agenda”

Daily Caller:“Republican National Lawyers Association (RNLA) Chairman David Norcross told The Daily Caller that a “desperate” Attorney General Eric Holder distorted a study his group conducted about voter fraud to fit President Barack Obama’s anti-voter identification agenda. During a speech at the National Action Network conference —hosted by MSNBC host and liberal activist Rev. Al Sharpton’s — on Wednesday, Holder cited an RNLA study to back up his statement that in-person voter fraud instances are ‘rare.’”

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DOJ’s Tom Perez’s Rutger’s Speech on Voting Rights

Here.  Lots of comments on Texas redistricting, the voter identification cases, and Florida’s new voting law. Perez says that because of evidence of discriminatory intent or effect, section 5 of the Voting Rights Act is still “critically necessary.”

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“Companies Flee Group Behind ‘Stand Your Ground’”

Important NPR report.

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“Cost of Voter ID: What we know, and what we don’t”

That’s the lead story in this week’s Electionline Weekly.

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“Voter ID Battles Often Land in Court”

Politics in Minnesota reports.

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“Activist’s Undercover Videos on Rules for Voter IDs Lead to an Investigation”

AP reports.

MORE from the DCist.

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“Justice Dept.: S.C. voter ID law violates Voting Rights Act”

USA Today reports.

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“The Breitbart ‘Voter Fraud’ Video Proves Absolutely Nothing”

The Business Insider reports.

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