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Today's Stories

December 6 / 7, 2003

Saul Landau
"Reality Media": Michael Jackson, Bush and Iraq

December 5, 2003

Jeffrey St. Clair
A Natural Eye: the Photography of Brett Weston

Jeremy Scahill
Bremer of the Tigris

Jeremy Brecher
Amistad Revisited at Guantanamo?

Norman Solomon
Dean and the Corp Media Machine

Norman Madarasz
France Starts Facing Up to Anti-Muslim Discrimination

Pablo Mukherjee
Afghanistan: the Road Back


December 4, 2003

M. Junaid Alam
Image and Reality: an Interview with Norman Finkelstein

Adam Engel
Republican

Chris Floyd
Naked Gun: Sex, Blood and the FBI

Adam Federman
The US Footprint in Central Asia

Gary Leupp
The Fall of Shevardnadze

Guthrie / Albert
RIP Clark Kerr

December 3, 2003

Stan Goff
Feeling More Secure Yet?: Bush, Security, Energy & Money

Joanne Mariner
Profit Margins and Mortality Rates

George Bisharat
Who Caused the Palestinian Diaspora?

Mickey Z.
Tear Down That Wal-Mart

John Stanton
Bush Post-2004: a Nightmare Scenario

Harry Browne
Shannon Warport: "No More Business as Usual"

 

December 2, 2003

Matt Vidal
Denial and Deception: Before and Beyond Iraqi Freedom

Benjamin Dangl
An Interview with Evo Morales on the Colonization of the Americas

Sam Bahour
Can It Ever Really End?

Norman Solomon
That Pew Poll on "Trade" Doesn't Pass the Sniff Test

Josh Frank
Trade War Fears

Andrew Cockburn
Tired, Terrified, Trigger-Happy


December 1, 2003

Fawzia Afzal-Khan
Unholy Alliances: Zionism, US Imperialism and Islamic Fundamentalism

Dave Lindorff
Bush's Baghdad Pitstop: Memories of LBJ in Vietnam

Harry Browne
Democracy Delayed in Northern Ireland

Wayne Madsen
Wagging the Media

Herman Benson
The New Unity Partnership for Labor: Bureaucratizing to Organize?

Gilad Atzmon
About "World Peace"

Bill Christison
US Foreign Policy and Intelligence: Monstrous Messes


November 29 / 30, 2003

Peter Linebaugh
On the Anniversary of the Death of Wolfe Tone

Gary Leupp
Politicizing War on Fox News: a Tale of Two Memos

Saul Landau
Lying and Cheating:
Bush's New Political Math

Michael Adler
Inside a Miami Jail: One Activist's Narrative

Anthony Arnove
"They Put the Lie to Their Own Propaganda": an Interview with John Pilger

Greg Weiher
Why Bush Needs Osama and Saddam

Stephen Banko, III
A Soldier's Dream

Forrest Hylton
Empire and Revolution in Bolivia

Toni Solo
The "Free Trade" History Eraser

Ben Terrall
Don't Think Twice: Bush Does Bali

Standard Schaefer
Unions are the Answer to Supermarkets Woes

Richard Trainor
The Political Economy of Earthquakes: a Journey Across the Bay Bridge

Mark Gaffney
US Congress Does Israel's Bidding, Again

Adam Engel
The System Really Works

Dave Lindorff
They, the Jury: How the System Rigs the Jury Pool

Susan Davis
Framing the Friedmans

Neve Gordon
Arundhati Roy's Complaint for Peace

Mitchel Cohen
Thomas Jefferson and Slavery

Ben Tripp
Capture Me, Daddy

Poets' Basement
Kearney, Albert, Guthrie and Smith

 

 

November 28, 2003

William S. Lind
Worse Than Crimes

David Vest
Turkey Potemkin

Robert Jensen / Sam Husseini
New Bush Tape Raises Fears of Attacks

Wayne Madsen
Wag the Turkey

Harold Gould
Suicide as WMD? Emile Durkheim Revisited

Gabriel Kolko
Vietnam and Iraq: Has the US Learned Anything?

South Asia Tribune
The Story of the Most Important Pakistan Army General in His Own Words

Website of the Day
Bush Draft


November 27, 2003

Mitchel Cohen
Why I Hate Thanksgiving

Jack Wilson
An Account of One Soldier's War

Stefan Wray
In the Shadows of the School of the Americas

Al Krebs
Food as Corporate WMD

Jim Scharplaz
Going Up Against Big Food: Weeding Out the Small Farmer

Neve Gordon
Gays Under Occupation: Help Save the Life of Fuad Moussa

 


November 26, 2003

Paul de Rooij
Amnesty International: the Case of a Rape Foretold

Bruce Jackson
Media and War: Bringing It All Back Home

Stew Albert
Perle's Confession: That's Entertainment

Alexander Cockburn
Miami and London: Cops in Two Cities

David Orr
Miami Heat

Tom Crumpacker
Anarchists on the Beach

Mokhiber / Weissman
Militarization in Miami

Derek Seidman
Naming the System: an Interview with Michael Yates

Kathy Kelly
Hogtied and Abused at Ft. Benning

Website of the Day
Iraq Procurement

 


November 25, 2003

Linda S. Heard
We, the Besieged: Western Powers Redefine Democracy

Diane Christian
Hocus Pocus in the White House: Of Warriors and Liberators

Mark Engler
Miami's Trade Troubles

David Lindorff
Ashcroft's Cointelpro

Website of the Day
Young McCarthyites of Texas


November 24, 2003

Jeremy Scahill
The Miami Model

Elaine Cassel
Gulag Americana: You Can't Come Home Again

Ron Jacobs
Iraq Now: Oh Good, Then the War's Over?

Alexander Cockburn
Rupert Murdoch: Global Tyrant

 

 

November 14 / 23, 2003

Alexander Cockburn
Clintontime: Was It Really a Golden Age?

Saul Landau
Words of War

Noam Chomsky
Invasion as Marketing Problem: Iraq War and Contempt for Democracy

Stan Goff
An Open Letter to GIs in Iraq: Hold on to Your Humanity

Jeffrey St. Clair
Bush Puts Out a Contract on the Spotted Owl

John Holt
Blue Light: Battle for the Sweetgrass Hills

Adam Engel
A DC Lefty in King George's Court: an Interview with Sam Smith

Joanne Mariner
In a Dark Hole: Moussaoui and the Hidden Detainees

Uri Avnery
The General as Pseudo-Dove: Ya'alon's 70 Virgins

M. Shahid Alam
Voiding the Palestinians: an Allegory

Juliana Fredman
Visions of Concrete

Norman Solomon
Media Clash in Brazil

Brian Cloughley
Is Anyone in the Bush Administration Telling the Truth?

William S. Lind
Post-Machine Gun Tactics

Patrick W. Gavin
Imagine

Dave Lindorff
Bush's Brand of Leadership: Putting Himself First

Tom Crumpacker
Pandering to Anti-Castro Hardliners

Erik Fleming
Howard Dean's Folly

Rick Giombetti
Challenging the Witch Doctors of the New Imperialism: a Review of Bush in Babylon

Jorge Mariscal
Las Adelitas, 2003: Mexican-American Women in Iraq

Chris Floyd
Logical Conclusions

Mickey Z.
Does William Safire Need Mental Help?

David Vest
Owed to the Confederate Dead

Ron Jacobs
Joe: the Sixties Most Unforgiving Film

Dave Zirin
Foreman and Carlos: a Tale of Two Survivors

Poets' Basement
Guthrie, Albert, Greeder, Ghalib and Alam

 

Congratulations to CounterPuncher David Vest: Winner of 2 Muddy Awards for Best Blues Pianist in the Pacific Northwest!

 

November 13, 2003

Jack McCarthy
Veterans for Peace Booted from Vet Day Parade

Adam Keller
Report on the Ben Artzi Verdict

Richard Forno
"Threat Matrix:" Homeland Security Goes Prime-Time

Vijay Prashad
Confronting the Evangelical Imperialists

November 12, 2003

Elaine Cassel
The Supremes and Guantanamo: a Glimmer of Hope?

Col. Dan Smith
Unsolicited Advice: a Reply to Rumsfeld's Memo

Jonathan Cook
Facility 1391: Israel's Guantanamo

Robert Fisk
Osama Phones Home

Michael Schwartz
The Wal-Mart Distraction and the California Grocery Workers Strike

John Chuckman
Forty Years of Lies

Doug Giebel
Jessica Lynch and Saving American Decency

Uri Avnery
Wanted: a Sharon of the Left

Website of the Day
Musicians Against Sweatshops

 

 

Hot Stories

Alexander Cockburn
Behold, the Head of a Neo-Con!

Subcomandante Marcos
The Death Train of the WTO

Norman Finkelstein
Hitchens as Model Apostate

Steve Niva
Israel's Assassination Policy: the Trigger for Suicide Bombings?

Dardagan, Slobodo and Williams
CounterPunch Exclusive:
20,000 Wounded Iraqi Civilians

Steve J.B.
Prison Bitch

Sheldon Rampton and John Stauber
True Lies: the Use of Propaganda in the Iraq War

Wendell Berry
Small Destructions Add Up

CounterPunch Wire
WMD: Who Said What When

Cindy Corrie
A Mother's Day Talk: the Daughter I Can't Hear From

Gore Vidal
The Erosion of the American Dream

Francis Boyle
Impeach Bush: A Draft Resolution

Click Here for More Stories.

 

 

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December 6 / 7, 2003

The Hollow Charter of the UN

Shredding the Owner's Manual

By BRIAN CLOUGHLEY

The Charter of the United Nations is considered an old-fashioned and inconvenient document by the Bush people in Washington. Nevertheless it is the nearest thing to an owners' manual the world possesses because it is We the Peoples of the World, and not the imperial 'We' of the dominant political party in one particular country, who have inherited the planet. All of us have part-ownership of this earth in which we have our being. And we don't want personal or national freedoms to be taken from us by a bunch of zealots who insist they know what is best for all of us.

The major declaration in the UN Charter is that "We the Peoples of the United Nations [are] determined to ensure by the acceptance of principles and the institution of methods that armed force shall not be used, save in the common interest." That is, the commercial, moral, religious, territorial or generally bloody-minded ambitions of any one state are not valid reasons for war on another. They never were, of course, but it is made clear in Chapter VII of the Charter that if efforts to encourage "pacific settlement of disputes" (under Chapter VI) have failed, then "the Security Council . . . may take such action by air, sea or land forces as may be necessary to maintain or restore international peace and security." There is no reference in the Charter to military action against a country because it might possibly at some future time perhaps pose a threat to another country. The doctrine of the pre-emptive strike is not only bizarre but has no legality. "Maintain or restore" are the watchwords as regards international peace and stability. There is no mention of 'impose' for the good reason that powerful states could use such a provision at their whim or fancy. And of some importance in terms of internationalism is Article 46 of Chapter VII which lays down that "Plans for the application of armed force shall be made by the Security Council with the assistance of the Military Staff Committee."

Bush claims his invasion of Iraq had a legal basis in UN Security Council Resolution 1441. This is absurd, because that resolution did not make provision for military action against Iraq. But even if it had, just where would the US stand in regard to "plans for the application of armed force"? If the Bush war had been legal in international terms, as he claims, then the Security Council and the Military Staff Committee should have been involved in planning it. In fact there is an entire Article (47) devoted to procedures, including precise instructions about responsibilities.

The UN Charter, our Owners' Manual, goes further in its attempts to protect the interests of We the Peoples of the United Nations against assaults by imperialist powers with massive military forces. (Alas largely unsuccessful, when one remembers the former USSR's forays into Hungary, Czechoslovakia and Afghanistan and the democratic military operations of the US against Panama, Sudan, Cuba, Grenada, Haiti and Nicaragua.)

Nevertheless it is agreed by the Charter's signatories that "All members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state . . ." What they were trying to ensure was that that powerful states could never again threaten, bully, invade and crush weak ones with impunity, as Hitler's Germany did. They might try it on, but, by golly, they would quickly pay for their military arrogance because the UN would combine to thump them, as happened in terms of legal application of international military force when North Korea invaded the South and Iraq invaded Kuwait.

In 1945 the Charter's originators had in mind Germany's pre-war ambitions concerning Europe as well as Japan's invasion of China and many Asia-Pacific countries, and obviously there were memories of Turkish dominance in the Middle East. Certainly President Roosevelt was also thinking of British and French colonialism and how to persuade Paris and London to give freedom to their subjects. He believed that never again should there be imperial conquest, and that all peoples should be free, and thus their nations should be free, too, to decide their destiny. But of course we are not perfect. Far from it. Our elected governments make mistakes, horrendous ones at times, in conducting our affairs; but that is their prerogative, and if we have domestic problems we would rather sort them out ourselves than have foreigners order us about.

For a powerful country's ruler to lecture us, hector us, impose unilateral tariffs on us, bribe us, sanction us, bomb us, invade us, suborn or bully our governments or otherwise interfere grossly with our lives is the acme of arrogant militaristic colonialism. We are, the whole lot of us, from inhabitants of the most highly developed nations to the poorest citizens of the most squalid and chaotic failing states, entitled to conduct our affairs as national entities. We might not do it well, and of course victims of violence would welcome intervention by UN forces to help them (the Tutsi-Hutu massacres are a case in point), but outside influence should be in accordance with the Owners' Manual. We welcome civilised diplomacy and well-intended advice but are in imminent danger of having our sovereignty ignored or even removed at the whim of a regime intent on imposing its will on the entire world. Arrogance has replaced negotiation, and the Bush administration does not recognise the courtesy or importance of compromise.

Afghanistan was host to an evil man who directed atrocities against the United States. When the Kabul government failed to take action to bring him to trial the country was invaded in a military campaign agreed by the UN. This was perfectly proper, because Osama bin Laden and his followers should have been detained by the national government and handed over to international jurisdiction. There is a well-established international system for administration of justice in such cases. The fact that Afghanistan is still a barbaric medieval shambles (and the person responsible for the atrocities appears to be still functioning) is evidence only that the affair was incompetently handled. But at least it was legal.

On the other hand, Iraq presented not the slightest threat to the United States. Not one American citizen had been killed or even menaced by an Iraqi, other than pilots of US aircraft that cavorted illegally throughout Iraq's sovereign airspace for ten years on coat-trailing missions. (And not one was shot down, which is an interesting aspect of the invasion. If the Iraqis could not shoot down intruders, how could they shoot down invaders? All the aircraft lost were downed by US planes or US missiles.) But the Charter of the UN was flagrantly violated by the attack on Iraq, and this precedent gravely threatens internationalism, as it was intended to do.

The UN passes resolutions but these are ignored by the Bush administration when they are deemed inconvenient. When the whim or fancy pleases, international treaties can be 'unsigned', as, for example, in the case of the Rome Statute that established the International Criminal Court.

Article VI of the US Constitution specifies that "all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land . . ." but naturally did not cater for instances in which a president might direct abrogation of a treaty. It was considered by the Founding Fathers that treaties were treaties, and that if they were entered into by the President and Congress their decision would have been made for good reasons in domestic and international terms.

The world has seen dictators reject treaties entered into by elected representatives whom they have overthrown, but it is important for us all that treaties signed and ratified by democratic governments should continue to bind their successors until such time as they might be modified or ended through civilised negotiation. There is no point in any country or group of countries concluding an accord of any sort with the United States if it is to be unilaterally cancelled (for whatever reason) by the next administration. But this is what is happening, and many of us unfortunate foreigners consider treaties with the US to be entirely one-sided. This point is not made lightly. All we have is the Owners' Manual, and that Charter is being destroyed by an imperial president. The world has become a more dangerous place because of his antics, and We The Peoples of the United Nations have no alternative but to accept the reality of brute force, be that military or economic, in his increasingly bizarre machinations.

Brian Cloughley writes about defense issues for CounterPunch, the Nation (Pakistan), the Daily Times of Pakistan and other international publications. His writings are collected on his website: www.briancloughley.com.

He can be reached at: beecluff@aol.com

Weekend Edition Features for Nov. 29 / 30, 2003

Peter Linebaugh
On the Anniversary of the Death of Wolfe Tone

Gary Leupp
Politicizing War on Fox News: a Tale of Two Memos

Saul Landau
Lying and Cheating:
Bush's New Political Math

Michael Adler
Inside a Miami Jail: One Activist's Narrative

Anthony Arnove
"They Put the Lie to Their Own Propaganda": an Interview with John Pilger

Greg Weiher
Why Bush Needs Osama and Saddam

Stephen Banko, III
A Soldier's Dream

Forrest Hylton
Empire and Revolution in Bolivia

Toni Solo
The "Free Trade" History Eraser

Ben Terrall
Don't Think Twice: Bush Does Bali

Standard Schaefer
Unions are the Answer to Supermarkets Woes

Richard Trainor
The Political Economy of Earthquakes: a Journey Across the Bay Bridge

Mark Gaffney
US Congress Does Israel's Bidding, Again

Adam Engel
The System Really Works

Dave Lindorff
They, the Jury: How the System Rigs the Jury Pool

Susan Davis
Framing the Friedmans

Neve Gordon
Arundhati Roy's Complaint for Peace

Mitchel Cohen
Thomas Jefferson and Slavery

Ben Tripp
Capture Me, Daddy

Poets' Basement
Kearney, Albert, Guthrie and Smith


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