Tuesday, January 22, 2008

The Age of Trup -- part xvi

We continue Shadal's Vikuach al Chochmat haKabbalah. Shadal just finished discussing the late date of some midrashim, such that their references to trup or nikkud does not prove an early date to the orthography of the same. Now, he turns to the the age of masorah and the baalei masorah. The author continues speaking:

However, it appears to me that before we increase in investigations of how early nikkud is, it is fitting that we investigate how early the masoret is; since the world all say that it is the work of the Men of the Great Assembly, and if the matter is so, it is clear that the nikkud is as early as the Men of the Great Assembly, and even more {old} than them.

The guest: Also to all the things they say do not give over your heart, for behold I will bring before you three greats of the world who will testify with one mouth that the masoret was only written after the closing of the Talmud.

And now, take please for me the sefer Chovat haLevavot.

And I took the safer, and he found written in it, in the introduction, words like this, saying:
I delved into the sefarim of the early ones {kadmonim} who were after the Men of the Great Assembly, who composed in the matter of the commandments compositions to establish from them based on the wisdom of the hidden matter, and I saw that all that the intended to explain and to elucidate does not go out of the realm of three matters: The first of them is to explain the sefer Torah and the Prophet, and this via two ways: either to explain the meaning of the words and the concepts, as Rabbenu Saadia z"l did for most of the books of Scripture; or to explain matters of language, dikduk and usage to all it passes to and from all its sides, and to fix its words, like the books of Ibn Janach and the masters of the masoret, and those who follow in their ways.


And the man {=the guest} said to me: Here for you is a single witness that the masters of the masoret were after the Men of the Great Assembly.

And now, take for me the sefer Moznayim, to Rabbi Avraham Ibn Ezra, and hear a second witness.

And I took sefer Moznayim, and he found written in it, in its beginning, and this is its language:

And after the exile of our ancestors from the Holy City, Hashem awakens his Divine Inspiration, and at their head was Rabbenu HaKadosh, to compose an impression in true writing of the commandments of our God, and this is the Mishna, upon it one should not add and from it one should not subtract; also after them came the holy officers, and these are the men of the Talmud, and they went in their circuit, and they cleared the highways of teuda {??documentation??}, and the removed every stone and obstacle from the paths of Hashem, and one who veers from off the path which they set encounters twisting and crookedness.

And after this, there arose in Israel, by the good hand of God upon us, two great todot {?}: One is the guards of the walls of the Temple, the stronghold instituted by the hand of our God, so that a stranger should not be able to destroy it. And this Temple is the holy books {of TaNaCH}, and the men of the toda are the men of the Masoret, that they separated any admixture from the holy, and they counted in the Temples from the age of two until the age of eleven (*), so that no stranger should enter the gates of righteousness.

{Explaining the mashal:}
(*) The words found in Tanach do not have in them less than two letters, nor more than eleven, such as in the word והאחשדרפנים {in Esther 9:3}, and it is not a Hebrew word. And in the Holy tongue one can say ולמשפחותיכם, and also with 12 letters ולמשפחותיכנה.

Monday, January 21, 2008

The Age of Trup -- part xv

Shadal's Vikuach al chochmat hakabbalah continues. The guest just suggested that midrashim talking about trup is not proof of the early date of trup, for perhaps these are late midrashim.

The author: This is a novelty by me. For until today I believed that the midrashim and the Talmud had the same age of origin, and all of them were the words of our Rabbi the Tannaim and Amoraim. And is your intent to say that also some of the midrashim well known in Israel are forged sefarim?

The guest: No, forfend! I also believe that all the statements found in the midrashim well-known in Israel, which are stated in the name of one of the Tannaim or of the Amoraim, that Sage mentioned actually in truth said it.

However, that which is stated anonymously, sometimes they are the words of the author and the collector who is writing upon the sefer of early midrashim, which were transmitted mouth to mouth, and not all of the midrashim were written authored, collected, and written down in a single generation. But rather there are early midrashim such as the Talmud, and there many are later midrashim.

And for example, come and I will show you that Midrash Shemot Rabba (in which the פסק is mentioned) was written, with no doubt, after the Talmud.

For behold it is revealed and known from the Talmud, and the Rambam also writes in the halachot of kiddush hachodesh perek 5, that in the days of the Sages of the Mishnah and also in the days of the Sages of the Talmud until the days of Abaye and Rava, they established it based on seeing, and those who dwelled outside the land {of Israel} relied upon the establishing in the land of Israel. And so you find in the Talmud (Rosh HaShana 21) that Rava would fast for Yom Kippur for two days, because of doubt of the day, and one time it was found like him {that he managed to fast while others fasted the wrong day}. Thus is is evident that until the days of Rava they sanctified it based on sight {of the moon by witnesses}.

And behold, in Shemot Rabba (parsha 15) you will find written:
"When our Rabbis entered to make a leap year, ten elders entered, etc."
You will further find there:
"One who sees the moon, at the time that Israel consecrate the month."
Thus it is clear that they did not consecrate based on seeing at the time that Midrash Shemot was authored. If so, this Midrash is later than

the Talmud, or these statements were gathered after the closing of the Talmud.

And similar to this there is to say upon Bamidbar Rabba, for behold at the end of parshat Shelach you will find that the techelet was hidden away, and in the Talmud (Menachot 43) you will find that the techelet was practiced during the entire time of the Amoraim, and even in the days of Rav Achai who was of the Rabbanan Sovarai.

The author: These words are words of meaning. And besides the proofs that you have brought, also from the language of these and other midrashim, in many places, it is recognizable that they are not from the language of the Tanaim and Amoraim, and it is much different in their idioms and their manner of speaking from Bereshit Rabba and Vayikra Rabba.

And behold, from the two answers that you have written, my mind leans to accept the second response as an answer to the first question, and the first response as an answer to the second question. For the statement found in Shemot Rabba which mentions a פסק is written anonymously, and not in the name of one of the early Sages. However, the statement in Midrash Kohelet, in which the נקודה is mentioned, is stated in the name of Rabbi Hoshaya or Rabbi Yehoshua. And in truth that which they darshen "nekudot hakesef -- these are the letters" much assists what you have said that they called nekudot the tips of some of the letters, which had at their head a point or points.

Sunday, January 20, 2008

Yitro: The Trup On El HaMidbar

Shadal writes on Shemot 18:5:
ה וַיָּבֹא יִתְרוֹ חֹתֵן מֹשֶׁה, וּבָנָיו וְאִשְׁתּוֹ--אֶל-מֹשֶׁה: אֶל-הַמִּדְבָּר, אֲשֶׁר-הוּא חֹנֶה שָׁם--הַר הָאֱלֹהִים. 5 And Jethro, Moses' father-in-law, came with his sons and his wife unto Moses into the wilderness where he was encamped, at the mount of God;
as follows:

אל המדבר : אם היה בטעם זקף היה דינו בפשטא זקף (אל-המדבר), וכן הוא בחומש כ"י על קלף שבידי, לא בזקף גדול ; אמנם אין ספק שאין זה אלא טעות סופר, וצ"ל בטעם רביע שהוא מפסיק פחות מן הטפחא שתחת שם, אל המדבר אשר הוא חונה שם, כלומר אל הר האלהים ; וכן בתנ"ך כ"י על קלף משנת רמ"ט שהיה ביד רמבמ"ן אל המדבר בטעם רביע, וכתוב בגליון "כ"ה רביע", כלומר כן הוא דווקא, וכן צריך להיות ברביע (עיין תקון סופרים לר"ש דובנא ), וכן בתנ"ך מפואר כ"י ביד ר"י ספיר בירושלם


The trup we have on that pasuk is, over at Mechon-mamre, is:
ה וַיָּבֹ֞א יִתְר֨וֹ חֹתֵ֥ן מֹשֶׁ֛ה וּבָנָ֥יו וְאִשְׁתּ֖וֹ אֶל־מֹשֶׁ֑ה אֶל־הַמִּדְבָּ֗ר אֲשֶׁר־ה֛וּא חֹנֶ֥ה שָׁ֖ם הַ֥ר הָֽאֱלֹהִֽים׃

such that we indeed have a revii on אֶל־הַמִּדְבָּ֗ר. And so the trup matching the insisted-upon trup, rather than a zakef.

But indeed in other Chumashim we have the zakef gadol Shadal mentions. For example, in my Pentateuch and Commentary: A Linear Translation into English, by Rabbi Abraham ben Isaiah and Rabbi Benjamin Sharfman, 1950 (and 1977), from the Press of the Jewish Publication Society, they have a zakef gadol.

Meanwhile, my Mikraos Gedolos, from Mishor, printed in Benei Berak in 1990, has the "pashta-zakef" combination (really the pashta is a mark of the foretone rather than a real pashta), which Shadal asserts is the version of zakef gadol which would be expected here (presumably on grounds of factors such as place of stress, number of syllables, and the makef) if a zakef gadol were truly demanded.

Yet he asserts it is a taus sofer. It is hard for me to see how one can mix up one for the other. Unless it started as a confusion of one dot for two (since revii was not square but just a single dot), making it a zakef katon, with the subsequent "correction" to either pashta-zakef or zakef gadol. Perhaps it is not a taus sofer but rather a genuine dispute.

What are the differences in meaning between the two, which would cause Shadal to write what he writes?

Well, Shadal notes that the revii is less of a disjunctive accent than the tipcha. Indeed, both the tevir and the revii would break up a clause ending in tipcha. But in contrast, the tipcha and zakef are disjunctive accents on the same level, and so the zakef would divide first.

Shadal writes that the meaning, with the trup he states is correct, is אל המדבר אשר הוא חונה שם, כלומר אל הר האלהים -- to the desert were he was encamped, that is to say, to the Mountain of God.

The breakdown with the revii would be as follows:
אֶל־הַמִּדְבָּ֗ר אֲשֶׁר־ה֛וּא חֹנֶ֥ה שָׁ֖ם הַ֥ר הָֽאֱלֹהִֽים׃
becomes
אֶל־הַמִּדְבָּ֗ר אֲשֶׁר־ה֛וּא חֹנֶ֥ה שָׁ֖ם
הַ֥ר הָֽאֱלֹהִֽים׃
since the biggest break is the tipcha. Thus, as Shadal explained it to be.
This would then be further subdivided as:
אֶל־הַמִּדְבָּ֗ר
אֲשֶׁר־ה֛וּא חֹנֶ֥ה שָׁ֖ם
and finally the last break would be as follows:
אֲשֶׁר־ה֛וּא
חֹנֶ֥ה שָׁ֖ם

In contrast, had the trup been with either zakef gadol or pashta-zakef, we would have as follows (note the zakef gadol on "el-hamidbar"):


אֶל־הַמִּדְבָּ֕ר אֲשֶׁר־ה֛וּא חֹנֶ֥ה שָׁ֖ם הַ֥ר הָֽאֱלֹהִֽים׃
becomes:
אֶל־הַמִּדְבָּ֕ר
אֲשֶׁר־ה֛וּא חֹנֶ֥ה שָׁ֖ם הַ֥ר הָֽאֱלֹהִֽים׃
which becomes split as follows:
אֲשֶׁר־ה֛וּא חֹנֶ֥ה שָׁ֖ם
הַ֥ר הָֽאֱלֹהִֽים׃

The major difference here is that he comes to the midbar. Which midbar? The place where he was encamped by the mountain.

The obvious distinction to me, which jumps out at me but may nevertheless be wrong, is whether these events with Yitro happened before the giving of the Torah, or afterwards, and what specific report or miracles Yitro heard.

וכבר נחלקו בזה בני ר' חייא ור ' יהושע בן לוי (זבחים קט"ז ע"א) חד אמר יתרו קודם מתן תורה היה, וחד אמר אחר מתן תורה היה, ולפניהם גם חכמי המשנה אמרו (שם שם ) מה שמועה שמע יתרו ?

Shadal earlier explain har HaElohim (in Shemot 3:1) as:
הר האלהים : על שם העתיד ( אנקלוס ורש"י ) או כך כתב משה אחר מתן תורה (תלמידי אלישע זאמאטו ) ויש אומרים ע"ש גובהו, כמו הררי אל ( תהלים ל"ו ז' ) והראשון נכון.

The trup variant with the zakef has him encamped specifically at har-Haelokim. The trup variant with the revii has him encamped in the wilderness, which happens to be nearby the Har HaElokim. The stress is different.

Just perhaps, the two trup traditions are taking sides in this dispute between the sons of Rabbi Chiyya and Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi. One trup tradition (zakef) is in accordance with the view that this is after Matan Torah. And the other trup tradition (revii) is in accordance with the view that this is before Matan Torah. (Or perhaps one could argue for the reverse.)

Public Service Announcement

For those of you arriving here looking for a post on the Petira of Mrs. Georgie Schorr, you want this post at Yeshiva World.

ASimpleJew posted a comment there:
The Levaya will take place on Sunday 12:00pm at Shomeri Hadas located at 14th Avenue and 39 street.

The BYOP Concert is canceled for Sunday night as well.

Interesting Links #10

  1. Rabbi Sedley talks about the Lubavitcher Rebbe as a real person.
  2. Read this article, particularly the parts about camels in the patriarchal age.
  3. I just noticed that Snunit has text and search of Midrash Tanchuma. I wonder how long that has been there.
  4. Over at GlobalYeshiva, I've been discussing Al Tikrei vs. Yesh Em Lamikra/LaMasoret.
  5. ADDeRabbi has an even more ancient segulah for parnassa than reading parshat haman.

The Age of Trup -- part xiv

We continue Shadal's Vikuach Al Chochmat haKabbalah. In the previous segment, he rejected a proof of the earliness of nikkud brought from a Yerushalmi (see last segment here), noting that the derasha which focuses on the fact that uvasheviit ketiv, thus using the word "written" about vowel sounds, might be inexact in its use of language, or better, need not be talking about the patach under the bet but rather the presence of the vav in the beginning of the word. Now, he deals with two references to the word nikkud or a specific nikkud found in midrash, and answers that that is not what nikkud means, and that not every midrash is as early as the Tannaim and Amoraim. This discussion about these midrashim will be finished in the next segment.

The author: Your words are near.

And now, behold, two statements have entered my memory, which are found in midrash, in which the nikkud and trup are mentioned.

The first is in Shemot Rabba parasha 2, and this is the language:
"'And He said Moshe Moshe' -- you find by 'Avraham Avraham' that there is a פסק, 'Yaakov Yaakov' that there is a פסק, 'Shmuel Shmuel' that there is a פסק, but by 'Moshe Moshe' there is no פסק in it."
And the second one is in Midrash Kohelet upon the verse "Tov Shem miShemen Tov," and it is also in Midrash Shmuel parsha 23, and is brought down in Yalkut Kohelet remez 973, and this is the language:
"If they (the names of the tribes engraved upon the heart of Aharon) were missing a single letter they would not have atoned. Rabbi Hoshaya (and in Yalkut Rabbi Yehoshua) taught: Even a single nekuda."
The guest: If you are bringing proof from the midrash, go and I will show you two placed from the midrash which proofs against the early origin of the nikkud, and both of them are in midrash Shir haShirim which is called Midrash Chazit.

For behold, firstly, upon the verse {Shir HaShirim 1:11}:
יא תּוֹרֵי זָהָב נַעֲשֶׂה-לָּךְ, עִם נְקֻדּוֹת הַכָּסֶף. 11 We will make thee circlets of gold with studs of silver.
Rabbi Abba bar Kahana said "these are the letters. Rabbi Acha said: These are the words.

Another explanation: תּוֹרֵי זָהָב נַעֲשֶׂה-לָּךְ -- this is the writing. עִם נְקֻדּוֹת הַכָּסֶף -- this is the sargul. {=sirtut, the lines upon which the text is written}
End quote.

And behold, after they darshen the verse on the writing and on the lines, how did it not enter the mind of one of the Sages to darshen nekudot hakesef upon the nekudot {vowel points}, if the nikkud was known in their days?

{Note that there are two traditions of vowel signs, one which does not involve points. And perhaps neither were called by the name nikkud in their days, even if such did exist?}

And this secondly, on the verse {Shir haShirim 2:4}:
ד הֱבִיאַנִי אֶל-בֵּית הַיָּיִן, וְדִגְלוֹ עָלַי אַהֲבָה. 4 He hath brought me to the banqueting-house, and his banner over me is love.
The author of the matnot kehuna says with full mouth that their sefarim did not have vowel points.

{Upon R' Yissachar's statement:


and he notes that their sefarim lacked nikkud, and noted the Rebbe of Yoav, but this is Matnot Kehuna's interpretation, though a good one. He also notes the old sefarim had the girsa משה מושה and אהרן אהרון but not לעפרן עפרון. Etz Yosef gives a similar explanation. But Yedei Mosh explains this not as error but rather mocking {as the words say mocking}, and that they call Aharon haron without the aleph {see to in Chiddushei Radal for the same Aharon haron text} and Moshe they call Mushi. Such that it is mocking rather than error.}

The author: See, that your words are good and proper. But then, how do you resolve this contradiction between midrash and midrash?

The guest: There are two answers to the matter.

The first answer is that the word פסק mentioned in Shemot Rabba, perhaps the intent in this is a pause in the reading, with voice and not wuith writing. That is to say that so was it as tradition by them in the Oral Torah, that one needs to pause between Avraham and Avraham, Yaakov Yaakov, Shmuel Shmuel, but not between Moshe Moshe.

And so too that "single nekuda" mentioned in Midrash Kohelet, we can say that the intent on this is on the point upon which a few of the letters rest upon, such as the three heads of the ש, and as you have seen that they darshened "nekudot hakesef" -- these are the letters. For when it comes down to it, even if you believe in the early origin of the nikkud, we still have not seen not heard of one who says that the names of the tribes engraved in the stones of the Ephod and Choshen had nikkud.

And the second answer is that not all midrashim, and not all which is found in the midrashim, is as early as the earliness of the Talmud.

Friday, January 18, 2008

So Bobby Fischer Has Died

What to say? Excellent chess player. But often being really really smart, in one area, goes hand in hand with being a bit nuts in general. It also can make you think you know everything, even about subjects outside your field. And I would attribute his anti-Semitism and anti-Americanism to that.

One thing I think was a good innovation was Chess960. Chess players memorize the opening moves, such that these opening configurations and responses all have names. And among good players, it is often a matter of memorization more than creativity. To cite Wikipedia:
Fischer's goal was to create a chess variant in which chess creativity and talent would be more important than memorization and analysis of opening moves. His approach was to create a randomized initial chess position, which would thus make memorizing chess opening move sequences far less helpful. The initial position is set up in a special way and there are 960 such positions, thus the name 'Chess960'.

The Age of Trup -- part xiii

Continuing Shadal's Vikuach Al Chochmat Hakabbalah. He now rejects a proof as to early nikkud from a derasha in a Yerushalmi. (See previous segment here.)

The author: The matters seem to be as you speak. However, the matter is still not clear, and it is possible for a litigant to cast doubt in it, and we are in need of clear proofs.

And now, behold I have mentioned one phrasing from Talmud Yerushalmi, and it is half a proof on the early date of the nikkud.

And this is the language of the Yerushalmi (in the beginning of Kiddushin) " ובשביעית it is written," and Rabbi Yehoshu bon Benshati explains "uvasheviit it is written, with a patach, and not beshviit with a chirik, to teach that there is in it a definite article, and it is returning to the topic of the acquisition mentioned in ki tikneh, and if so it is the sheviit of sale." End quote.

And behold, with their saying "it is written," and such that they did not say "uvasheviit we read," it is apparent that their sefarim had vowel points.

The guest: If the proffered explanation is correct, we may state as we have said about "ימצה it is written," that they were not exact, and that they said "written" in place of "we read."

However, it is closer to my thoughts that the intent of the Shas is not on the definite article, but rather on the vav which would connect the end of the verse to its beginning.

Thursday, January 17, 2008

DovBear Has A Post

about "What we can do about Bet Shemesh."

The Stone Seal of Temech

Eliyahu forwarded me an interesting JPost article:

A stone seal bearing the name of one of the families who acted as servants in the First Temple and then returned to Jerusalem after being exiled to Babylonia has been uncovered in an archeological excavation in Jerusalem's City of David, a prominent Israeli archeologist said Wednesday.

The 2,500-year-old black stone seal, which has the name "Temech" engraved on it, was found earlier this week amid stratified debris in the excavation under way just outside the Old City walls near the Dung Gate, said archeologist Dr. Eilat Mazar, who is leading the dig.

According to the Book of Nehemiah, the Temech family were servants of the First Temple and were sent into exile to Babylon following its destruction by the Babylonians in 586 BCE.

...

The 2.1 x 1.8-cm. elliptical seal is engraved with two bearded priests standing on either side of an incense altar with their hands raised forward in a position of worship.

A crescent moon, the symbol of the chief Babylonian god Sin, appears on the top of the altar.

There is more there.

The reference in Ezra and Nechemia is actually to Temach, rather than Temech, but there are obviously no vowels on the seal. Or at least we assume the name is Temach, for the name occurs both times at the end of the pasuk, and so it is in pausal form, and is written Tamach, with a kamatz under the Tav and a patach under the Mem. We see it in Nechemiah 7:55:
מו הַנְּתִינִים: בְּנֵי-צִחָא בְנֵי-חֲשֻׂפָא, בְּנֵי טַבָּעוֹת. 46 The Nethinim: the children of Ziha, the children of Hasupha, the children of Tabbaoth;
...
נה בְּנֵי {ר} בַרְקוֹס {ס} בְּנֵי-סִיסְרָא, {ס} בְּנֵי-תָמַח. {ס} 55 the children of Barkos, the children of Sisera, the children of Temah;
...
ס כָּל-הַנְּתִינִים--וּבְנֵי, עַבְדֵי שְׁלֹמֹה: שְׁלֹשׁ מֵאוֹת, תִּשְׁעִים וּשְׁנָיִם. {פ} 60 All the Nethinim, and the children of Solomon's servants, were three hundred ninety and two. {P}
And also in Ezra 2:53:

נג בְּנֵי-בַרְקוֹס {ס} בְּנֵי-סִיסְרָא, {ס} בְּנֵי {ר} תָמַח. {ס} 53 the children of Barkos, the children of Sisera, the children of Temah;
again listed among the Netinim.

There is actually a third reference, in Nechemia 13:14, but it would seem to be a verb:
יד זָכְרָה-לִּי אֱלֹהַי, עַל-זֹאת; וְאַל-תֶּמַח חֲסָדַי, אֲשֶׁר עָשִׂיתִי בְּבֵית אֱלֹהַי--וּבְמִשְׁמָרָיו. 14 Remember me, O my God, concerning this, and wipe not out my good deeds that I have done for the house of my God, and for the wards thereof.

According to the Talmud, the Netinim were Giveonim. We find their joining Israel earlier in Yehoshua 9:

ג וְיֹשְׁבֵי גִבְעוֹן שָׁמְעוּ, אֵת אֲשֶׁר עָשָׂה יְהוֹשֻׁעַ לִירִיחוֹ--וְלָעָי. 3 But when the inhabitants of Gibeon heard what Joshua had done unto Jericho and to Ai,
ד וַיַּעֲשׂוּ גַם-הֵמָּה בְּעָרְמָה, וַיֵּלְכוּ וַיִּצְטַיָּרוּ; וַיִּקְחוּ שַׂקִּים בָּלִים, לַחֲמוֹרֵיהֶם, וְנֹאדוֹת יַיִן בָּלִים, וּמְבֻקָּעִים וּמְצֹרָרִים. 4 they also did work wilily, and went and made as if they had been ambassadors, and took old sacks upon their asses, and wine skins, worn and rent and patched up;
ה וּנְעָלוֹת בָּלוֹת וּמְטֻלָּאוֹת בְּרַגְלֵיהֶם, וּשְׂלָמוֹת בָּלוֹת עֲלֵיהֶם; וְכֹל לֶחֶם צֵידָם, יָבֵשׁ הָיָה נִקֻּדִים. 5 and worn shoes and clouted upon their feet, and worn garments upon them; and all the bread of their provision was dry and was become crumbs.
ו וַיֵּלְכוּ אֶל-יְהוֹשֻׁעַ אֶל-הַמַּחֲנֶה, הַגִּלְגָּל; וַיֹּאמְרוּ אֵלָיו וְאֶל-אִישׁ יִשְׂרָאֵל, מֵאֶרֶץ רְחוֹקָה בָּאנוּ, וְעַתָּה, כִּרְתוּ-לָנוּ בְרִית. 6 And they went to Joshua unto the camp at Gilgal, and said unto him, and to the men of Israel: 'We are come from a far country; now therefore make ye a covenant with us.'
ז ויאמרו (וַיֹּאמֶר) אִישׁ-יִשְׂרָאֵל, אֶל-הַחִוִּי: אוּלַי, בְּקִרְבִּי אַתָּה יוֹשֵׁב, וְאֵיךְ, אכרות- (אֶכְרָת-) לְךָ בְרִית. 7 And the men of Israel said unto the Hivites: 'Peradventure ye dwell among us; and how shall we make a covenant with you?'
ח וַיֹּאמְרוּ אֶל-יְהוֹשֻׁעַ, עֲבָדֶיךָ אֲנָחְנוּ; וַיֹּאמֶר אֲלֵיהֶם יְהוֹשֻׁעַ מִי אַתֶּם, וּמֵאַיִן תָּבֹאוּ. 8 And they said unto Joshua: 'We are thy servants.' And Joshua said unto them: 'Who are ye? and from whence come ye?'
ט וַיֹּאמְרוּ אֵלָיו, מֵאֶרֶץ רְחוֹקָה מְאֹד בָּאוּ עֲבָדֶיךָ, לְשֵׁם, יְהוָה אֱלֹהֶיךָ: כִּי-שָׁמַעְנוּ שָׁמְעוֹ, וְאֵת כָּל-אֲשֶׁר עָשָׂה בְּמִצְרָיִם. 9 And they said unto him: 'From a very far country thy servants are come because of the name of the LORD thy God; for we have heard the fame of Him, and all that He did in Egypt,
י וְאֵת כָּל-אֲשֶׁר עָשָׂה, לִשְׁנֵי מַלְכֵי הָאֱמֹרִי, אֲשֶׁר, בְּעֵבֶר הַיַּרְדֵּן--לְסִיחוֹן מֶלֶךְ חֶשְׁבּוֹן, וּלְעוֹג מֶלֶךְ-הַבָּשָׁן אֲשֶׁר בְּעַשְׁתָּרוֹת. 10 and all that He did to the two kings of the Amorites, that were beyond the Jordan, to Sihon king of Heshbon, and to Og king of Bashan, who was at Ashtaroth.
יא וַיֹּאמְרוּ אֵלֵינוּ זְקֵינֵינוּ וְכָל-יֹשְׁבֵי אַרְצֵנוּ לֵאמֹר, קְחוּ בְיֶדְכֶם צֵידָה לַדֶּרֶךְ, וּלְכוּ, לִקְרָאתָם; וַאֲמַרְתֶּם אֲלֵיהֶם עַבְדֵיכֶם אֲנַחְנוּ, וְעַתָּה כִּרְתוּ-לָנוּ בְרִית. 11 And our elders and all the inhabitants of our country spoke to us, saying: Take provision in your hand for the journey, and go to meet them, and say unto them: We are your servants; and now make ye a covenant with us.
יב זֶה לַחְמֵנוּ, חָם הִצְטַיַּדְנוּ אֹתוֹ מִבָּתֵּינוּ, בְּיוֹם צֵאתֵנוּ, לָלֶכֶת אֲלֵיכֶם; וְעַתָּה הִנֵּה יָבֵשׁ, וְהָיָה נִקֻּדִים. 12 This our bread we took hot for our provision out of our houses on the day we came forth to go unto you; but now, behold, it is dry, and is become crumbs.
יג וְאֵלֶּה נֹאדוֹת הַיַּיִן אֲשֶׁר מִלֵּאנוּ חֲדָשִׁים, וְהִנֵּה הִתְבַּקָּעוּ; וְאֵלֶּה שַׂלְמוֹתֵינוּ, וּנְעָלֵינוּ, בָּלוּ, מֵרֹב הַדֶּרֶךְ מְאֹד. 13 And these wine-skins, which we filled, were new; and, behold, they are rent. And these our garments and our shoes are worn by reason of the very long journey.'
יד וַיִּקְחוּ הָאֲנָשִׁים, מִצֵּידָם; וְאֶת-פִּי יְהוָה, לֹא שָׁאָלוּ. 14 And the men took of their provision, and asked not counsel at the mouth of the LORD.
טו וַיַּעַשׂ לָהֶם יְהוֹשֻׁעַ שָׁלוֹם, וַיִּכְרֹת לָהֶם בְּרִית לְחַיּוֹתָם; וַיִּשָּׁבְעוּ לָהֶם, נְשִׂיאֵי הָעֵדָה. 15 And Joshua made peace with them, and made a covenant with them, to let them live; and the princes of the congregation swore unto them.
טז וַיְהִי, מִקְצֵה שְׁלֹשֶׁת יָמִים, אַחֲרֵי, אֲשֶׁר-כָּרְתוּ לָהֶם בְּרִית; וַיִּשְׁמְעוּ, כִּי-קְרֹבִים הֵם אֵלָיו, וּבְקִרְבּוֹ, הֵם יֹשְׁבִים. 16 And it came to pass at the end of three days after they had made a covenant with them, that they heard that they were their neighbours, and that they dwelt among them.
and then in II Shmuel 21:
א וַיְהִי רָעָב בִּימֵי דָוִד שָׁלֹשׁ שָׁנִים, שָׁנָה אַחֲרֵי שָׁנָה, וַיְבַקֵּשׁ דָּוִד, אֶת-פְּנֵי יְהוָה; {ס} וַיֹּאמֶר יְהוָה, אֶל-שָׁאוּל וְאֶל-בֵּית הַדָּמִים, עַל-אֲשֶׁר-הֵמִית, אֶת-הַגִּבְעֹנִים. 1 And there was a famine in the days of David three years, year after year; and David sought the face of the LORD. {S} And the LORD said: 'It is for Saul, and for his bloody house, because he put to death the Gibeonites.'
ב וַיִּקְרָא הַמֶּלֶךְ לַגִּבְעֹנִים, וַיֹּאמֶר אֲלֵיהֶם: וְהַגִּבְעֹנִים לֹא מִבְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל הֵמָּה, כִּי אִם-מִיֶּתֶר הָאֱמֹרִי, וּבְנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל נִשְׁבְּעוּ לָהֶם, וַיְבַקֵּשׁ שָׁאוּל לְהַכֹּתָם בְּקַנֹּאתוֹ לִבְנֵי-יִשְׂרָאֵל וִיהוּדָה. 2 And the king called the Gibeonites, and said unto them--now the Gibeonites were not of the children of Israel, but of the remnant of the Amorites; and the children of Israel had sworn unto them; and Saul sought to slay them in his zeal for the children of Israel and Judah--
ג וַיֹּאמֶר דָּוִד אֶל-הַגִּבְעֹנִים, מָה אֶעֱשֶׂה לָכֶם; וּבַמָּה אֲכַפֵּר, וּבָרְכוּ אֶת-נַחֲלַת יְהוָה. 3 and David said unto the Gibeonites: 'What shall I do for you? and wherewith shall I make atonement, that ye may bless the inheritance of the LORD?'
ד וַיֹּאמְרוּ לוֹ הַגִּבְעֹנִים, אֵין-לי (לָנוּ) כֶּסֶף וְזָהָב עִם-שָׁאוּל וְעִם-בֵּיתוֹ, וְאֵין-לָנוּ אִישׁ, לְהָמִית בְּיִשְׂרָאֵל; וַיֹּאמֶר מָה-אַתֶּם אֹמְרִים, אֶעֱשֶׂה לָכֶם. 4 And the Gibeonites said unto him: 'It is no matter of silver or gold between us and Saul, or his house; neither is it for us to put any man to death in Israel.' And he said: 'What say ye that I should do for you?'
ה וַיֹּאמְרוּ, אֶל-הַמֶּלֶךְ, הָאִישׁ אֲשֶׁר כִּלָּנוּ, וַאֲשֶׁר דִּמָּה-לָנוּ; נִשְׁמַדְנוּ, מֵהִתְיַצֵּב בְּכָל-גְּבֻל יִשְׂרָאֵל. 5 And they said unto the king: 'The man that consumed us, and that devised against us, so that we have been destroyed from remaining in any of the borders of Israel,
ו ינתן- (יֻתַּן-) לָנוּ שִׁבְעָה אֲנָשִׁים, מִבָּנָיו, וְהוֹקַעֲנוּם לַיהוָה, בְּגִבְעַת שָׁאוּל בְּחִיר יְהוָה; {פ}

וַיֹּאמֶר הַמֶּלֶךְ, אֲנִי אֶתֵּן.
6 let seven men of his sons be delivered unto us, and we will hang them up unto the LORD in Gibeah of Saul, the chosen of the LORD.' {P}

And the king said: 'I will deliver them.'

In Yevamot 78b - 79a we read:
David said: As to Saul, there have already elapsed the twelve months of the [first] year and it would be unusual to arrange for his mourning now. As to the nethinim, however, let them be summoned and we shall pacify them. Immediately the king called the Gibeonites, and said unto them … 'What shall I do for you? and wherewith should I make atonement, that ye may bless the inheritance of the Lord'? And the Gibeonites said to him: 'It is no matter of silver or gold between us and Saul, or his house,' neither is it for us [to put] any man etc. … Let seven men of his sons be delivered unto us and we will hang them up unto the Lord etc.' He tried to pacify them but they would not be pacified. Thereupon he said to them: This nation is distinguished by three characteristics: They are merciful, bashful and benevolent. 'Merciful', for is is written, And shew thee mercy, and have compassion upon thee, and multiply thee. 'Bashful', for it is written, That His fear may be before you. 'Benevolent', for it is written, That he may command his children and his household etc. Only he who cultivates these three characteristics is fit to join this nation.
The result of all this is that the Netinim, or Gibeonite converts and their descendants, had the halachic status akin to that of bastards.

Perhaps it is not so surprising that they would be willing to have a seal with the Babylonian moon god Sin represented upon it.

Some objections to Shadal's Proof on Talmudic Mention of Nikkud

I spun this off into its own post. The words of Shadal appear in another post, but here I inject a few of my own objections. Shadal may well be correct that they lacked the orthography of nikkud in Talmudic times, but I can raise substantive rejoinders to some of his arguments. My interjections in a cyan font color. (Meanwhile, see previous the selection of Shadal's Vikuach here.)


The guest: Yet when it comes down to it, all this is only half a proof, and we require clear proofs which have no rejoinder.

And now, please listen to a statement found in Sanhedrin daf 4, from which is is apparent that there was no vowel points in the days of our Sages:

"The students {of Rabbi Yehuda ben Roetz} asked Rabbi Yehuda ben Roetz upon what is written {in Vayikra 12:5}:
ה וְאִם-נְקֵבָה תֵלֵד, וְטָמְאָה שְׁבֻעַיִם כְּנִדָּתָהּ; וְשִׁשִּׁים יוֹם וְשֵׁשֶׁת יָמִים, תֵּשֵׁב עַל-דְּמֵי טָהֳרָה. 5 But if she bear a maid-child, then she shall be unclean two weeks, as in her impurity; and she shall continue in the blood of purification threescore and six days.
Let me read shiv'im {rather than shevu'ayim}, thus perhaps a woman who bears a female child is impure for 70!
He said to them: It fixed impurity and purity exist for a male {child} and it fixed impurity and purity for a female {child}. Just as where it fixed {days} of purity for bearing a male child, for a female child it is double, so too where it fixed impurity for bearing a male child, for a female child it is double.

After they left he sought after them and said to them: You have no need of this {derivation}, for we read shevu'ayim, and we derive the law from the pronounced reading {rather than the consonantal text in the Torah}."
And behold, if they had sefarim with vowel points, how did the student ask "let me read shiv'im?" And why did the teacher need to evaluate with his own reasoning, and state "it fixed impurity and purity by a male, etc.?" And how did he say in the end "we read shevuayim," and he did not say "the vocal points are shevuayim?" And how did he say "the reading is determinant, and he did not say the nikkud is determinant?"
{In terms of the last two points, Shadal ignores that language changes, and perhaps the term nikkud had not been innovated for the orthography just yet, and instead, they called it mikra. Furthermore, there are two issues at play. Is it miSinai and did it exist in Mishnaic or Talmudic times. Even if an orthography existed, this does not mean that they did not feel free to argue on it. Particularly if, as it stands today and in Shadal's day, and in Rambam's day, sifrei Torah did not have nikkud but external books, such as Chumashim, did. This question from the student might not be a question stemming from confusion, but rather a suggestion in learning. Let me revocalize, just like Shadal feels he is able to revocalize. That Shadal is willing to revocalize is not proof that nikkud orthography did not exist in his days. The teacher, Rabbi Yehuda ben Roetz, responds based on sevara. This could easily be cast into a paradigm similar to yesh em lamikra vs. yesh em lamasoret. As written, without double-yud, one could say that the masoret allows for this reading. And Rabbi Yehuda ben Roetz answers within the moment, proving which makes sense from context. But look! how he abandons this sevara and notes the traditional reading. This is not suddenly remembering the traditional reading. He, and the student, knew this reading all along! The innovation is that yesh em lamikra, so there is no room for argument within the potential readings. }

The guest {?? not the author??}: Your works are good and true. And so too in all places they say "the mikra {reading} is determinant," and they do not say "the vowel points are determinant."

And furthermore, they explicitly say {see Nedarim 37b}, "mikra soferim {the reading of the Soferim} is halacha leMoshe miSinai," and it is known that every halacha leMoshe miSinai is not something written in the Torah, but is transmitted Orally.

{The examples in that gemara are ארץ and מצרים and שמים. It is unclear what these example mean. Rashi takes it as nikkud such as segol under the aleph of eretz despite no yud present. Ran takes the first example but not the others as pausal form or aretz. And the same could be true for the others. This seems sufficient to make Shadal's point, for some vowels are involved. I can see how someone might begin to mount an opposition, though, making this not about general nikkud.
It would be interesting to see how he interprets ittur soferim, which is the next thing which is halacha leMoshe miSinai in the list in that gemara. The gemara's examples appear to be about word order, which surely is written in the consonantal text of the Torah. Unless he holds like the teacher of the Ran who understood it as trup.
}

And also we find to them that they say (Kiddushin 57) "do we read kodesh? we read kadosh." And they do not say "Is it written," or "is it vowel-pointed kodesh?" "It is written kadosh!" Or "it is vowel-pointed kadosh."

{To argue against this, since the point is that the pronunciation is different from the consonantal text, to wrote ketiv here would have obscured the point, while krei conveys the point of how it is actually read, even if there were indeed orthography for it. And perhaps the word nikkud had not been invented yet, or if it had, would not be chosen in this instance because of the phrase yesh em laMikra.}

And in Avodah Zara (29) he said to him, Yishmael my brother, how do you read {Shir haShirim {1:2}
ב יִשָּׁקֵנִי מִנְּשִׁיקוֹת פִּיהוּ, כִּי-טוֹבִים דֹּדֶיךָ מִיָּיִן. 2 Let him kiss me with the kisses of his mouth--for thy love is better than wine.
{which means the woman is saying that the man's love is better than wine} or ki tovim dodayich {which has the man talking to the woman}, and he did not say "how is it written" or "how is it pointed?" Besides for the fact that if their sefarim had vowel points, there would not be room for this question.

And if it was that it was forgotten or a few of the vowel points were messed up, they should not have arrived at the conclusion from logic, but rather they should have counted the sefarim and gone after the majority, as they say in Masechet Soferim (perek 6), "they established the two and nullified the one."
{A number of points here. Even if there is a belief in nikkud tradition miSinai, how can we have Sinaitic tradition of the vowel points of post-Sinaitic works. Thus, if King Shlomo wrote Shir haShirim, why would we apply the same tradition of Torah to this. They might have had a tradition of nikkud, and used the orthography of nikkud to record that tradition, for Torah but not for Nach. Especially if we are willing to posit the orthography being post-Sinaitic, why assume they had a valid textual tradition for the vowel points. They could have been asking him how it is pronounced, such that if one wanted to read it, or vowel point it, one could put the appropriate marks. Furthermore, isn't Masechet Soferim post-Talmudic, from the Savoraim? The three sifrei Torah were exceptional sifrei Torah, either from Ezra or kept in the Azara, akin to the Allepo Codex and the Leningrad codex. This is not looking merely at a number of vulgar texts (vulgar in the sense of common). Who says they had such vocalized text for Shir haShirim that were so authoritative? And even if they did, who says that the midrash in the post-Talmudic Masechet Sofrim is authoritative of how to go about this, such that it would be a question on anyone who tried to resolve it in the gemara, misevara?}

And so too in Yevamot (daf 75), "Rava said: "This is why we read petzua' (with a sheva on the peh) and do not read hapetzua'" (with a kametz under the peh.) And he did not say, this is that is written petzua.

{Soncino understands this as referring to the definite article. Masoret HaShat emends hapetzua' to simply petzia', citing Aruch citing Rabbenu Chananel. If so, it is a yud vs. vav difference, which would also be worthy of ketiv. Also, Rashi's dibbur hamatchil appears to have ketiv. And if it were a difference in kametz vs. sheva, use an aleph to denote the kametz.}.

Except for in one place, we find Rava himself, because of swiftness, was not careful and said (in Zevachim 64) "is it written ימצה (yimtzeh)? ימצה (yimmatzeh) it is written." And this, by itself, is the half-proof found in all of the Talmud that those who believe in the early origin of the vowel point {orthography} are able to support themselves with, except that they did not see it.

And in any case, this is not a proof at all, after we find in the majority of places that they make use of the vowels with the language of "reading" {keriah} and not with the language of writing, such that there is no doubt that Rava was not exact in his speech, and his intent was to say "do we read yimtzah," and he said "is it written" because he was relying on the reading which was an Oral tradition, as if it were Written Torah.

Is this not in the way that they are not careful with their statement in another place (Berachot 57) "If one {dreamed that he} had intercourse with his mother, he may expect to obtain understanding, for it is written {Mishlei 2:3}
ג כִּי אִם לַבִּינָה תִקְרָא; לַתְּבוּנָה, תִּתֵּן קוֹלֶךָ. 3 Yea, if thou call for understanding, and lift up thy voice for discernment;
and they should have said {in addition} "read not ki im but rather ki eim, except that they were not exact.

{I see no reason for making the derasha explicit here, and this does not seem to be a case of lo dak. Regardless, if we are willing to say lo dak in one direction, why not in the other, to all the cases of krei instead of ketiv as Shadal is demanding?}

Some Interesting (Or Boring) Points On Az Yashir

From Shemot 15:

ח וּבְרוּחַ {ר} אַפֶּיךָ נֶעֶרְמוּ מַיִם, {ס} נִצְּבוּ כְמוֹ-נֵד {ר} נֹזְלִים; {ס} קָפְאוּ תְהֹמֹת, בְּלֶב-יָם. {ס} 8 And with the blast of Thy nostrils the waters were piled up--the floods stood upright as a heap; the deeps were congealed in the heart of the sea.
The trup on the word נֶעֶרְמוּ reveals the stress:

ַ ח וּבְר֤וּחַ {ר}
אַפֶּ֨יךָ֙ נֶ֣עֶרְמוּ מַ֔יִם {ס} נִצְּב֥וּ כְמוֹ־נֵ֖ד {ר}
נֹֽזְלִ֑ים {ס} קָֽפְא֥וּ תְהֹמֹ֖ת בְּלֶב־יָֽם׃

The stress is on the first syllable, ne. This is one of a very small group of words with this type of stress, not milera and not mile'el, but rather with primary stress two syllables away from the last syllable. The cause of this, to my mind, is that the full seghol under the ayin was promoted from being a chataf segol (and we cannot have two shevas in a row). As such, for some reason, when deciding to primary stress, it was considered a sheva, and so the stress was placed mile'el on the nun.

Two pesukim later:
י נָשַׁפְתָּ {ר} בְרוּחֲךָ, כִּסָּמוֹ יָם; {ס} צָלְלוּ, כַּעוֹפֶרֶת, בְּמַיִם, {ר} אַדִּירִים. {ס} 10 Thou didst blow with Thy wind, the sea covered them; they sank as lead in the mighty waters.
In some texts when printing Az Yashir, they put a chataf patach under the first lamed. This is convention used to denote that the sheva under the first lamed is a sheva na, since when you have two identical or similar letters following one another, the sheva becomes na. This does not mean you have to pronounce it as a chataf patach. Except for the places where they pronounce every sheva na as a chataf patach.

A bit later:
טז תִּפֹּל עֲלֵיהֶם אֵימָתָה {ר} וָפַחַד, {ס} בִּגְדֹל זְרוֹעֲךָ יִדְּמוּ כָּאָבֶן: {ס} עַד {ר} יַעֲבֹר עַמְּךָ ה, {ס} עַד-יַעֲבֹר עַם-זוּ {ר} קָנִיתָ. {ס} 16 Terror and dread falleth upon them; by the greatness of Thine arm they are as still as a stone; till Thy people pass over, O LORD, till the people pass over that Thou hast gotten.
The first half of this pasuk, תִּפֹּל עֲלֵיהֶם אֵימָתָה וָפַחַד, בִּגְדֹל זְרוֹעֲךָ יִדְּמוּ כָּאָבֶן is featured in kiddush levana. But not only that, but also the pasuk with the words reversed are featured in kiddush levana as well.

I suppose it still makes some sense in reverse (though with some problems). But the nikkud is off. Specifically, בִּגְדֹל זְרוֹעֲךָ makes sense forward, for it is the construct form, which reduces the vowel under the gimel to a sheva. But in reverse, בִּגְדֹל וָפַחַד , why is there a sheva there. Less problematic, why maintain the kametz in וָפַחַד when it is not following אֵימָתָה? I suppose there is not really room for such grammatical questions on what is simply a liturgical construction.

On the first two pesukim:
א אָז יָשִׁיר-מֹשֶׁה וּבְנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל אֶת-הַשִּׁירָה הַזֹּאת, לַה', וַיֹּאמְרוּ, {ר} לֵאמֹר: {ס} אָשִׁירָה לַה' כִּי-גָאֹה גָּאָה, {ס} סוּס {ר} וְרֹכְבוֹ רָמָה בַיָּם. {ס} 1 Then sang Moses and the children of Israel this song unto the LORD, and spoke, saying: I will sing unto the LORD, for He is highly exalted; the horse and his rider hath He thrown into the sea.
ב עָזִּי וְזִמְרָת יָהּ, וַיְהִי-לִי {ר} לִישׁוּעָה; {ס} זֶה אֵלִי וְאַנְוֵהוּ, {ס} אֱלֹהֵי {ר} אָבִי וַאֲרֹמְמֶנְהוּ. {ס} 2 The LORD is my strength and song, and He is become my salvation; this is my God, and I will glorify Him; my father's God, and I will exalt Him.
I would read a deliberate contrast in pasuk 1 between Hashem, who is highly exalted -- כִּי-גָאֹה גָּאָה and the horse and are thrown into the sea from their previous normal state (though not explicitly thrown down) -- רָמָה בַיָּם. Yet at the same time there are echoes of parallelism in the word רָמָה, for רָמָה can also mean raised up. And to promote this parallelism, note the word וַאֲרֹמְמֶנְהוּ at the end of the next pasuk.

In pasuk 9:
ט אָמַר {ר} אוֹיֵב אֶרְדֹּף אַשִּׂיג, {ס} אֲחַלֵּק שָׁלָל; תִּמְלָאֵמוֹ {ר} נַפְשִׁי-- {ס} אָרִיק חַרְבִּי, תּוֹרִישֵׁמוֹ יָדִי. {ס} 9 The enemy said: 'I will pursue, I will overtake, I will divide the spoil; my lust shall be satisfied upon them; I will draw my sword, my hand shall destroy them.'
I think the long initial run of alephs is deliberate. Only the last three are because of their grammatical construction, and so all of them are them for the sake of alliteration.

In a similar vein, I think that the repetition of nun initial words in the previous pasuk was also deliberate.
ח וּבְרוּחַ {ר} אַפֶּיךָ נֶעֶרְמוּ מַיִם, {ס} נִצְּבוּ כְמוֹ-נֵד {ר} נֹזְלִים; {ס} קָפְאוּ תְהֹמֹת, בְּלֶב-יָם. {ס} 8 And with the blast of Thy nostrils the waters were piled up--the floods stood upright as a heap; the deeps were congealed in the heart of the sea.

In pasuk 3:
ג ה, אִישׁ מִלְחָמָה; ה, {ר} שְׁמוֹ. {ס} 3 The LORD is a man of war, The LORD is His name.
This should certainly not be taken as any evidence of Hashem taking human form. It is idiomatic, and furthermore, ish milchama should be taken as a single entity, to be translated "warrior." Don't deconstruct it.

Wednesday, January 16, 2008

Do Atheists Admit To The Entire Torah?

That would be the implication of this statement on Nedarim 25a:
לישבעו דליקיימו כל התורה כולה משמע עבודת כוכבים
דאמר מר חמורה עבודת כוכבים שכל הכופר בה כאילו מודה בכל התורה כולה
Let him {=Moshe} adjure them to fulfill all of the Torah in its entirety? This has the implication of {avoiding the sin of} idolatry. For Master said: {The sin of} idolatry is so grave a violation that anyone who rejects it {idolatry} is as if he admits to entire Torah.
For atheists do not believe in God, but by extension not in any other deity. And this seems to have {on some level} the same status as fulfillment.

The Age of Trup -- part xii

Here is the next segment of Shadal's Vikuach al Chochmat haKabbalah. I have substantive issues with this particular section, which I will post in a separate blogpost, so as not to interrupt the flow and inject my own voice into this. He continues here in the issue of the lack of Talmudic reference to vowel points. (See last post.)


The guest: Yet when it comes down to it, all this is only half a proof, and we require clear proofs which have no rejoinder.

And now, please listen to a statement found in Sanhedrin daf 4, from which is is apparent that there was no vowel points in the days of our Sages:

"The students {of Rabbi Yehuda ben Roetz} asked Rabbi Yehuda ben Roetz upon what is written {in Vayikra 12:5}:
ה וְאִם-נְקֵבָה תֵלֵד, וְטָמְאָה שְׁבֻעַיִם כְּנִדָּתָהּ; וְשִׁשִּׁים יוֹם וְשֵׁשֶׁת יָמִים, תֵּשֵׁב עַל-דְּמֵי טָהֳרָה. 5 But if she bear a maid-child, then she shall be unclean two weeks, as in her impurity; and she shall continue in the blood of purification threescore and six days.
Let me read shiv'im {rather than shevu'ayim}, thus perhaps a woman who bears a female child is impure for 70!
He said to them: It fixed impurity and purity exist for a male {child} and it fixed impurity and purity for a female {child}. Just as where it fixed {days} of purity for bearing a male child, for a female child it is double, so too where it fixed impurity for bearing a male child, for a female child it is double.

After they left he sought after them and said to them: You have no need of this {derivation}, for we read shevu'ayim, and we derive the law from the pronounced reading {rather than the consonantal text in the Torah}."
And behold, if they had sefarim with vowel points, how did the student ask "let me read shiv'im?" And why did the teacher need to evaluate with his own reasoning, and state "it fixed impurity and purity by a male, etc.?" And how did he say in the end "we read shevuayim," and he did not say "the vocal points are shevuayim?" And how did he say "the reading is determinant, and he did not say the nikkud is determinant?"

The guest {??}: Your words are good and true. And so too in all places they say "the mikra {reading} is determinant," and they do not say "the vowel points are determinant."

And furthermore, they explicitly say {see Nedarim 37b}, "mikra soferim {the reading of the Soferim} is halacha leMoshe miSinai," and it is known that every halacha leMoshe miSinai is not something written in the Torah, but is transmitted Orally.

And also we find to them that they say (Kiddushin 57) "do we read kodesh? we read kadosh." And they do not say "Is it written," or "is it vowel-pointed kodesh?" "It is written kadosh!" Or "it is vowel-pointed kadosh."

And in Avodah Zara (29) he said to him, Yishmael my brother, how do you read {Shir haShirim {1:2}
ב יִשָּׁקֵנִי מִנְּשִׁיקוֹת פִּיהוּ, כִּי-טוֹבִים דֹּדֶיךָ מִיָּיִן. 2 Let him kiss me with the kisses of his mouth--for thy love is better than wine.
{which means the woman is saying that the man's love is better than wine} or ki tovim dodayich {which has the man talking to the woman}, and he did not say "how is it written" or "how is it pointed?" Besides for the fact that if their sefarim had vowel points, there would not be room for this question.

And if it was that it was forgotten or a few of the vowel points were messed up, they should not have arrived at the conclusion from logic, but rather they should have counted the sefarim and gone after the majority, as they say in Masechet Soferim (perek 6), "they established the two and nullified the one."

And so too in Yevamot (daf 75), "Rava said: "This is why we read petzua' (with a sheva on the peh) and do not read hapetzua'" (with a kametz under the peh.) And he did not say, this is that is written petzua.

Except for in one place, we find Rava himself, because of swiftness, was not careful and said (in Zevachim 64) "is it written ימצה (yimtzeh)? ימצה (yimmatzeh) it is written." And this, by itself, is the half-proof found in all of the Talmud that those who believe in the early origin of the vowel point {orthography} are able to support themselves with, except that they did not see it.

And in any case, this is not a proof at all, after we find in the majority of places that they make use of the vowels with the language of "reading" {keriah} and not with the language of writing, such that there is no doubt that Rava was not exact in his speech, and his intent was to say "do we read yimtzah," and he said "is it written" because he was relying on the reading which was an Oral tradition, as if it were Written Torah.

Is this not in the way that they are not careful with their statement in another place (Berachot 57) "If one {dreamed that he} had intercourse with his mother, he may expect to obtain understanding, for it is written {Mishlei 2:3}
ג כִּי אִם לַבִּינָה תִקְרָא; לַתְּבוּנָה, תִּתֵּן קוֹלֶךָ. 3 Yea, if thou call for understanding, and lift up thy voice for discernment;
and they should have said {in addition} "read not ki im but rather ki eim, except that they were not exact.

Beshalach: Why Did Yosef Adjure The Descendants?

What is bothering Rashi here, that he resorts to a midrash? How is this midrash an aggada hameyeshevet divrei hamikra?

The very beginning of parshat Beshalach, we encounter:

19. Moses took Joseph's bones with him, for he [Joseph] had adjured the sons of Israel, saying, God will surely remember you, and you shall bring up my bones from here with you.
for he had adjured Heb. הִֹשְבִּיעַ הַֹשְבֵּעַ. [The double expression indicates that] he [Joseph] had made them [his brothers] swear that they would make their children swear (Mechilta). Now why did he not make his sons swear to carry him to the land of Canaan immediately [when he died], as Jacob had made [him] swear? Joseph said, “I was a ruler in Egypt, and I had the ability to do [this]. As for my sons-the Egyptians will not let them do [it].” Therefore, he made them swear that when they would be redeemed and would leave there [Egypt], they would carry him [out]. — [from Mechilta]
and you shall bring up my bones from here with you He made his brothers swear in this manner. We learn [from this] that the bones of all [the progenitors of] the tribes they brought up [out of Egypt] with them as it is said “with you” -[from Mechilta]
What compels Rashi to bring up this derasha of the duplicate language of הַשְׁבֵּעַ הִשְׁבִּיעַ. After all, on the level of peshat, he can simply say that dibra Torah kilshon benei Adam. But this is close reading that he adjured them to hishbiah, themselves cause others to be sworn to do. What compels this?

Furthermore, note that there is ambiguity here, in that בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל can refer either to the nation of Israel or to the sons of Yaakov. In both explanations, he explains this as referring to the sons of Yaakov, rather than to the descendants. This ties in with the making of Yosef's brothers adjure their own children. And thus "with you" would refer to the bones of Yosef's brothers, to whom he is speaking.

The issue is perhaps one of chronology, with some basis on the fact that Yosef was not the last brother to die -- Levi was. If so, why not reenact the burial that Yaakov had.

But it is more than that. If we look at the first perek of Shemot:
ו וַיָּמָת יוֹסֵף וְכָל-אֶחָיו, וְכֹל הַדּוֹר הַהוּא. 6 And Joseph died, and all his brethren, and all that generation.
ז וּבְנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל, פָּרוּ וַיִּשְׁרְצוּ וַיִּרְבּוּ וַיַּעַצְמוּ--בִּמְאֹד מְאֹד; וַתִּמָּלֵא הָאָרֶץ, אֹתָם. {פ} 7 And the children of Israel were fruitful, and increased abundantly, and multiplied, and waxed exceeding mighty; and the land was filled with them. {P}
ח וַיָּקָם מֶלֶךְ-חָדָשׁ, עַל-מִצְרָיִם, אֲשֶׁר לֹא-יָדַע, אֶת-יוֹסֵף. 8 Now there arose a new king over Egypt, who knew not Joseph.
ט וַיֹּאמֶר, אֶל-עַמּוֹ: הִנֵּה, עַם בְּנֵי יִשְׂרָאֵל--רַב וְעָצוּם, מִמֶּנּוּ. 9 And he said unto his people: 'Behold, the people of the children of Israel are too many and too mighty for us;
י הָבָה נִתְחַכְּמָה, לוֹ: פֶּן-יִרְבֶּה, וְהָיָה כִּי-תִקְרֶאנָה מִלְחָמָה וְנוֹסַף גַּם-הוּא עַל-שֹׂנְאֵינוּ, וְנִלְחַם-בָּנוּ, וְעָלָה מִן-הָאָרֶץ. 10 come, let us deal wisely with them, lest they multiply, and it come to pass, that, when there befalleth us any war, they also join themselves unto our enemies, and fight against us, and get them up out of the land.'
it really seems that the servitude did not begin until after the death of Yosef, when a Pharaoh arose who did not know Yoseph. If so, what would Yosef mean by "God will surely remember you?" The servitude did not yet start! Thus there was some predictive element, that Pharaoh would not let his sons or brothers take his bones out, based on the present attitude of Pharaoh. Yet he knew (on a peshat level) the prophecy to Avraham about the prolonged servitude and ultimate redemption. He would have to be talking to those in his own generation -- his brothers, the bnei yisrael; yet the oath was for future generations (the benei Yisrael) to fulfill, as he himself says. And this difficulty and resolution is brought to the fore by the midrash in the Mechilta.

Tuesday, January 15, 2008

Daf Yomi Nedarim 25a: Is Shishim Ribo A Guzma Or A Possibility

Based on the Mishna and gemara in Nedarim, it seems apparent that 600,000 passersby on a given street is an impossibility. The Mishna states:
Mishna:
נדרי הבאי
אמר קונם אם לא ראיתי בדרך הזה כעולי מצרים אם לא ראיתי נחש כקורת בית הבד
Vows of exaggeration:
If he said: Konam if I did not see on this road like those who left Egypt; If I did not see a snake like the beam of an olive press.
And in the gemara, they object that such a large thick snake is a possibility, such that Shmuel reinterprets it to be as smooth as an olive press. But there is no such protest about the person seeing as many as those who left Egypt on a road.

This has huge potential halachic ramifications, for many of the current laws of eruv are based on the presumption that our streets are not considered public domain but rather karmelis, such that one can use tzuras hapesach on it. And this from a diyuk that Tosafot makes on Shabbat 6b. The gemara:
The Master said: 'That is [absolute] public ground.' What does this exclude? — It excludes R. Judah's other [ruling]. For we learnt: R. Judah said: If the public thoroughfare interposes between them, it must be removed to the side; but the Sages maintain: It is unnecessary. And why is it called 'absolute?' — Because the first clause states 'absolute', the second does likewise. Now, let the desert too be enumerated, for it was taught: What is public ground? A high-road, a great open space, open alleys and the desert? — Said Abaye, There is no difficulty: The latter means when the Israelites dwelt in the desert; the former refers to our own days.
On this idea of the midbar being specifically when it was populated, when Israel was in the wilderness, Tosafot makes a deduction that in general for reshus harabbim, it is not a reshus harabbim unless 600,000, that is, those equal to the number (of men) who left Egypt, are present. They write:

Presumably, people discuss this, and offer resolutions, but I've never looked into it myself.

Daf Yomi Nedarim 25a: But Isn't the Story About the Snake By King Shapur Also a Guzma?

The Mishna gives examples of vows of exaggeration:

Mishna:
נדרי הבאי
אמר קונם אם לא ראיתי בדרך הזה כעולי מצרים אם לא ראיתי נחש כקורת בית הבד
Vows of exaggeration:
If he said: Konam if I did not see on this road like those who left Egypt; If I did not see a snake like the beam of an olive press.
Shmuel explains the Mishna as referring to as smooth as an olive press, and the narrator of the gemara first compels the explanation of Shmuel by noting that a snake can indeed be that big.

Indeed, snakes can be that big. For example, the largest snake in captivity is Fluffy, a 24-foot python who is as long as a moving van and as thick as a telephone pole. (See here.) I'm not sure of the dimensions of an olive press beam (call for audience participation), but I could well see it rivaling it. And see reports on anacondas.

Yet I am not so convinced that the case the gemara gives to show its existence is a good proof. For the gemara states:
OR IF I DID NOT SEE A SERPENT LIKE THE BEAMS OF AN OLIVE-PRESS. Is this impossible? Was there not a serpent in the days of King Shapur before which thirteen stables of straw were laced, and it swallowed then, all? — Samuel answered: He meant 'as smooth as a bean, etc.' But are not all serpents smooth?
My problem with this is that the number 13, for the stables of straw, might well be a guzma, an exaggeration. Maharatz Chayes makes note that especially where certain classic numbers are involved, a guzma might be in play.

Indeed, here are a bunch of other examples of 13, being used to indicate "a whole bunch":
Shabbat 110a
If one is bitten by a snake, he should procure an embryo of a white ass, tear it open, and be made to sit upon it; providing. however, that it was not found to be terefah. A certain officer of Pumbeditha was bitten by a snake. Now there were thirteen white asses in Pumbeditha; they were all torn open and found to be terefah. There was another on the other side of Pumbeditha, [but] before they could go and bring it a lion devoured it.

Berachot 8a:
R. Ammi and R. Assi, though they had thirteen Synagogues in Tiberias, prayed only between the pillars where they used to study.

Shabbat 119a:
Rabbi Abba bought meat for thirteen istira peshita {each istira peshita = 1/2 zuz} from thirteen butchers and handed it over to them [his servants] as soon as the door was turned and urged them, 'Make haste, Quick Make haste, Quick!' {this was done in honor of Shabbat}

Chullin 8a:
There was a case; Rav Yosef declared up to 13 animals to be forbidden because of a blemish found in the knife after they were all slaughtered.

Chullin 95b:
Shmuel sent him 13 camels laden with (Tosfos - 13 scrolls of) Safek Tereifos (Rashi - alternatively, the Safek (Tamei or Tahor) birds of Perek ha'Tereifos (62B).)
So how can we disprove that something is a guzma (the potential size of a snake) from a story which itself contains elements of guzma?

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